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CHURCH HISTORY
OF
ENGLAND
FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY TO THE REVOLUTION IN 1688.
WITH
, ^totttttons, arrtr a Continuation
BY
THE REV. M. A. TIERNEY, F.S.A. VOL. II.
Seal of Cardinal Pole.
LONDON : PUBLISHED BY CHARLES DOLMAN,
(NEPHEW AND SUCCESSOR TO THE LATE JOSEPH BOOKER)
No. 61, NEW BOND STREET.
MDCCCXXXIX.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY C. RICHARDS, 100, ST. MARTIN'S LANK.
THE
CHURCH HISTORY
OF
ENGLAND.
PART II.-EDWARD VI.
ARTICLE I.
FARTHER REFORMATION. FORMATION OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT HERT FORD, LORD PROTECTOR THE REFORMERS ENCOURAGED — NEW COMMIS SIONS TO THE BISHOPS— RELIGIOUS INNOVATIONS: — GARDINER'S REMON STRANCES A VISITATION— JURISDICTION OF THE BISHOPS SUSPENDED
THEY ARE FORBIDDEN TO PREACH — ECCLESIASTICAL INJUNCTIONS — A PARLIAMENT — REPEAL OF NEW TREASONS — AND OF THE SIX ARTICLES — PETITION OF THE CONVOCATION — BILL FOR COMMUNION IN BOTH KINDS
MARRIAGE OF THE CLERGY — ELECTION OF BISHOPS PROCLAMATION
AGAINST INNOVATIONS REMOVAL OF IMAGES — ATTEMPT OF THE BISHOPS
TO RECOVER THEIR JURISDICTION — IT FAILS NEW FORM OF COMMUNION.
THE general distraction., in which king Henry VIII. left his people, gave designing men an opportunity l of setting several projects a-foot ; wherein, it is to be feared that domestic views were the chief things they aimed at, and that religion was no farther concerned, than it proved serviceable to those purposes. Now, according to the politics of those days, it was judged to be the interest of the nation to continue the breach with Rome. This was the most general and received notion : and, at the same time, some were disposed to push for a farther reformation, who, considering that small breaches were soon made up, were resolved to widen them ; which they could not more effectually bring to pass, than by removing all those from the administra- VOL. it. B
2 EDWARD VI. [PART n.
tion of affairs,, who were of a reconciling temper. The late king's last will was, in all appearance, inconsistent with such an undertaking. However, means was found out to overcome the difficulty, though with little credit to the contrivers. It is to be remembered, that king Henry VIII. was empowered, by act of parliament, to settle the succession, either by deed, or last will ;* and, accordingly, that power was executed by him, in his last will, whereby Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth were appointed to reign successively ; and, in case of a failure of issue male in any of them, the crown was to devolve upon the house of Suffolk, with an exclusion of the Scottish line, which, notwithstanding, was the next in blood. Sixteen persons were nominated by the king to see his will performed, viz. Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, Tunstal, bishop of Durham, Wriothesley, lord chancellor, lord St. John, lord Russell, the earl of Hertford, lord viscount Lisle, sir Anthony Brown, sir William Paget, sir Edward North, sir Edward Mon tague, justice Bromley, sir Anthony Denny, sir William Herbert, sir Edward Wotton, and Dr. Wotton, dean of Canterbury. It is confidently reported, by good au thors, that Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, was also once named by the king, but craftily struck out of the list by Cranmer's contrivance, whose projects, in favour of the reformation, could never have succeeded, had Gardiner been suffered to act ; he being a politician of great experience, of a genius far superior to any of the rest, and, at the same time, well disposed to make up the breach with the see of Rome.2 Care was like wise taken to secure the young king to the party ; and, that he might receive deep and early prejudices against the see of Rome, two persons, remarkably zealous for the reformation, were appointed to be his tutors, viz. Dr. Cox, and Mr. Cheek. It was ordered, by king Henry's will, that the sixteen executors should govern the nation, by a majority of voices, during the young king's minority, which was to cease when he arrived at
1 Stat. 28, Hen. VIII. c. 7. 2 Foxe, ii. 549.
ART. i.] A FARTHER REFORMATION. 3
the age of eighteen.1 The two leading persons among the executors were, Wriothesley, lord chancellor,, a friend to the old religion, and the earl of* Hertford, the king's uncle, a great promoter of the reformation. Wherefore, to lessen the interest of the chancellor, Hertford FEB. was chosen lord protector ; and, though it was not L designed that he should act by a separate power from the rest, in things of moment, yet he strained his com mission so far, as to become almost independent, and found means to have the chancellor and some others discharged, who were enemies to the reformation ; so that, at last, the king's will was neglected, and almost entirely laid aside.2 By these methods, all that were friends to the reformation were encouraged to speak, and act freely in its behalf. " And the Gospellers, as they were then called, presuming on the countenance of the court, overran the motions of the state, and ven tured to reform without public authority."3 Cranmer and the protector, in the mean time, suffer the zealots to go on in this preposterous way, and compliment each other with privileges, which all tended towards estab lishing the reformation. The protector allows Cranmer the liberty to reform, or alter, several things by his private orders, before the representatives of the nation had delivered their sense upon them ; and Cranmer, by way of requital, assured the protector, that he should meet with no interruption from the episcopal order, whose jurisdiction was held from the crown only, quam- diu se bene gesserint; and the bishops, for the most part, being averse to a farther reformation, were, by that clause, become useless, and almost insignificant, in regard of all the functions belonging to their character. This is what Cranmer was well apprised of, and that it would be to no purpose to attempt a reformation, till the episcopal jurisdiction was declared precarious, and the whole power lodged in the protector and his coun cil.4 Bishop Gardiner complained loudly against the
1 Rymer, xv. 115. Burnet, ii. 24. 2 Burnet, ii. 4, 5, 15. 3 Collier, ii. 222.
4 [Cranmer, in fact, reverting to the doctrine established in the late reign,
maintained that, as his power had emanated from the bounty, so it had expired
B 2
EDWARD VI. [PART n.
protector, for this illegal way of proceeding, and several letters passed between them on the subject ; but Gar diner, being out of power, was not attended to ; he had only the satisfaction of speaking his mind, and exposing their methods.1
The protector and his council having secured them selves thus far, as to power, the next thing they went upon was, ways and means how to dispose the people for a change, against the meeting of the parliament. MAY First, they appointed visitors to inspect all ecclesi- 4- astical affairs. These visitors were one-half lay men, the other ecclesiastics. All other courts, archi-
with the demise, of the crown. In pursuance of this doctrine, his first step, on the accession of Edward, was, to solicit and accept a new commission, authoriz ing him to exercise the functions of archbishop in the name, and during the pleasure, of his sovereign ; his example was immediately followed by Bonner ; and it is not improbable that the rest of the bishops found themselves compelled to submit to a similar degradation. Cranmer's commission, which is dated February 7, 1547, is printed in Wilkins, iv. 2, and Burnet, ii. rec. 82. Bon- ner's has not been published, but may be seen in his Register, f. 102. — 71.]
1 [From Gardiner's letters it appears, that his remonstrances were directed, not against the lay commissions of the bishops, but against the violences and innovations, which, under the secret encouragement of the court, were rapidly spreading through the country. Though no legislative measure had yet been passed, or proposed, on the subject, the reformers, aware of the dispositions of the government, were already busily engaged in rooting out " the old supersti tion." In several places, the crucifixes and sacred pictures, which adorned the churches, were torn down, and replaced by the more edifying representations of the royal arms : books, inculcating the most objectionable opinions, were pub licly circulated among the people; and, in one remarkable instance (the lent sermon of bishop Ridley), the pulpit itself had been employed, to revile the reli gion of the state, and to inflame the passions of the multitude against it. It was in opposition to these proceedings that Gardiner addressed the protector. He called his attention to the spirit that was abroad : he reminded him of the arguments in favour of the ancient creed ; and he implored him to remember that he had received the important trust of chief governor, not for the destruc tion, but for the preservation, of the religion of the country. " If," says he, " my lord of St. David's (Barlow, who had also preached against the old reli gion) or such others, have their head cumbered with any new platform, I would wish they were commanded, between this and the king's majesty's full age, to draw the plat, diligently to hew the stones, dig the sand, and chop the chalk, in the unseasonable time of building, and, when the king's majesty cometh to full age, to present their labours to him ; and not, in the mean time, to disturb the state of the realm, whereof your grace is protector, but that you may, in every part of religion, laws, lands, and decrees (which four contain the state), deliver the same unto our sovereign lord, according unto the trust you be put in, which shall be much to your honour, and as all honest men wish and desire." " I cannot forget," he says in another letter, "your grace told me you would suffer no innovation." The whole correspondence will be found in the Appendix,
NO. i.-r.]
ART. i.] A FARTHER REFORMA
episcopal, episcopal, capitular, &c. were^ii^rseded by their commission.1 They were provided with thirty- nine injunctions, which they were to publish, and press upon the people, with orders to have them read once a quarter ; to which purpose the kingdom was divided into six circuits. The most remarkable articles were, — the pope's power was to be preached down once a quarter, and a sermon as often against superstitious practices : all noncomplying clergy were to provide others that would conform : the gospel and epistle were to be read in English, when mass was celebrated : pro cessions were to be laid aside, as it was pretended, to avoid disputes about precedency : several ornaments were to be removed out of the churches, viz. pictures, images, &c. However, the custom of praying for the dead was to be continued, and was particularly enjoined in the following words : " You shall pray for all them that be departed out of this world in the faith of Christ, that they with us, and we with them, at the day of judgment, may rest, both body and soul, with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, in the kingdom of heaven."2
1 Willdns, iv. 10, 14, 17 ; Burnet, ii. Rec. 94. [In the preceding reign, the jurisdiction of the ordinary pastors had been suspended, only during the period of the visitation : in the present instance, it was withdrawn indefinitely, " donee et quousque," says the instrument, " licentiam et faeultatem vohis in ea parte largiendam et iinpertiendam fore duxerimus" (Wilk. iv. 10). Nor was this all. By a subsequent clause, every bishop was forbidden to preach, except in his own cathedral ; every clergyman, except in his own church ; a prohibition, which was subsequently extended to all persons, and to every place, unless the special license of the protector, or of the archbishop, should have been previously ob tained (Strype, Mem. ii. 90. — See Appendix, No. II). Of course, the object of this regulation was, to silence all persons, but such as were disposed to adopt and enforce the reformed doctrines. — T.~\
2 [For the Injunctions see Appendix, No. III. The form of procedure, adopted by the visitors, may be gathered from their mandate to the bishop of London. Having opened their commission, in any given diocese, they imme diately summoned the bishop, the clergy, the heads and trustees of all colleges, and eight, six, or four, of the principal lay inhabitants of each parish, to appear before them : they administered to them the oaths of allegiance and supremacy; compelled them to answer, upon oath, such interrogatories as they chose to put to them ; and required from them a solemn engagement to perform whatever duties or precepts might arise out of the present visitation. The royal injunc tions were then delivered, to the bishops for their several cathedrals, to the arch deacons for their respective districts : a new work, bearing the title of the " Book of Homilies," was produced, and ordered to be read publicly, on Sundays, for the instruction of the people ; and every rector and curate was enjoined to pro vide himself, and to see that his church and congregation were provided, not
6 EDWARD VI. [PART n.
This injunction was observed at St. Paul's, in Lon don, at the funeral rites of Francis I., king of France, who died, March 22, 1547 ; for, "on the 19th of June, a dirge was sung for him, in all the churches of London. The choir of St. Paul's was hung with mourning, and no other circumstance of state, or solemnity omitted. The archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer) with eight other bishops, in their richest pontifical habits, sung a mass of requiem, arid a sermon was preached by Dr. Ridley, elect of Rochester."1 This complaisance of archbishop Cranmer to the old religion may, perhaps, appear somewhat mysterious to those, that look upon the whole secret of the reformation to have been com mitted to him ; and some may imagine, that either he was a notorious occasionalist, or, as yet, a stranger to the pretended superstition and idolatry of the mass ; though, at the same time, it is hard to conceive how the Author of truth could permit the inconsistency in a person, who was designed to be the instrument of his glory. However, time brought every thing about, and Cranmer, by becoming every thing to every body, es tablished his interest, though not his reputation ; and gained upon many unthinking persons, who were not guarded against such a behaviour.
During this time also, other matters were determined, which very much strengthened the party, and favoured the cause in hand. Not only the six-article act was suspended, but several divines, who had been obliged to go abroad, upon account of their heterodoxy, were per mitted to return home ; others that were under confine ment, for suspected doctrine, were released out of prison : and certain homilies and injunctions, contrary to the re ligion of the late reign, and to acts of parliament still in force, were recommended to the people.2 These pro-
only with a bible, but also with a copy, in English, of the Paraphrase of the New Testament, by Erasmus (Collier, ii. Rec. 59 ; Strype's Cranmer, 147, 148). The interrogatories, put by the visitors, may be seen in Strype's Memorials, ii. 48 — 53 ; in Wilkins, iv. 23 ; and in Sparrow, 25. Gardiner's remarks on the Homilies and the Paraphrase will be found in the Appendix, No. IV. — IT.]
1 Collier, ii. 229.
2 Heylin, 33, 34. [These Homilies and Injunctions have been mentioned in a preceding note (2 page 5): they will be referred to again, in a future article. — 7VJ
ART. i.] A FARTHER REFORMATION. 7
ceedings were thought justifiable, upon a presumption that both these things, and a great deal more, would be ratified by the ensuing parliament, which met; Nov. 4, 1547, and, continuing all Edward VI. 's reign, under several prorogations, went all the lengths of the minis try, in favour of the reformation. For, "though the parliament consisted of such members as disagreed amongst themselves, in respect of religion, yet they agreed well enough in one common principle, which was, to serve the present time, and to preserve themselves. For, though a great part of the nobility, and not a few of the chief gentry in the house of commons, were cor dially affected to the church of Rome, yet were they willing to give way to all such acts and statutes as were made against it, out of a fear of losing such church lands as they were possessed of, if that religion should prevail, and get up again. And, for the rest, who either were to make, or improve their fortunes, there is no question to be made, but that they came resolved to further such a reformation, as should most visibly con duce to the advancement of their several ends."1
1 Heylin, 48. [Some proceedings of this parliament deserve to be briefly noticed. 1° Among1 the principal obstacles to the designs of the reformers, were the restrictions, imposed by the enactments of the late reign on the religious opinions of the people. To remove this impediment, an act was now brought in and passed, with the general assent of the two houses. By it, all felonies created since the first year of Henry VIII., all treasons created since the twenty- fifth of Edward III., were abolished. The statute for the punishment of Lollards and other heretics, the statute of the Six Articles, all laws concerning doctrine and matters of religion, and all prohibitions of reading, teaching, and expound ing the scriptures, and of printing, selling, and retaining certain English pub lications, were repealed. The statute, giving to the royal proclamations the force of law, was also annulled : but the spiritual supremacy of the crown was still asserted; the penalties, attached to its denial, were still retained; and words, which might be spoken with impunity against the most sacred doctrines of re velation, became punishable, only when uttered against this fundamental article of the new creed (Stat. 1 Ed. VI. c. 12).
2. The repeal of the Six Articles left the reformers at liberty to discuss their plans, without danger, or interruption. This advantage was eagerly seized by the convocation ; and a petition, emanating from the lower house, prayed, either that its members1 might be admitted to their ancient share in the legislative functions of the commons house of parliament, or, at least, that no ordinances, respecting the persons, estates, or jurisdiction of the clergy, might be adopted, without their concurrence ; that the ecclesiastical laws of the kingdom might be revised and published, in pursuance of a statute made in the late reign; that the progress made by the bishops, in correcting the public service of the church,
8 EDWARD VI. [PART n.
The bishops, in the meantime,, were under a great uneasiness, perceiving that they were not like to be attended to, in the cause of religion, and that the preca rious tenure of quamdiu se bene gesserint obliged them
might be reported; and that all matters of religious controversy might be " quietly, and in good order, reasoned and disputed among them, whereby the verities of such matters should the better appear" (Wilkins, iv. 15, 16; Collier, ii. 233, 234). To the last only of these requests an answer was returned. Two questions, the one concerning communion in both kinds, the other relating to the lawfulness of marriage among the clergy, were drawn up, as it is supposed, by Cranmer, and submitted to their consideration. The former was carried (Dec. 2, 1547) with the unanimous approval of the sixty-four members present; and, the next day, a bill, embodying the substance of this decision, was read in the house of lords. It stated, that the ministering of the blessed sacrament to Christian people, under both kinds, was more agreeable both to the institution of Christ, and to the practice of the apostles and the primitive church: it averred that the same institution and early practice shewed it to be more proper for the priest and people to communicate together, than for the former to re ceive alone; and it concluded by providing that the said most blessed sacrament should thenceforth be commonly delivered and ministered to the people, within the church of England and Ireland, under both kinds. In cases of necessity, however, it still pennitted the former custom of communicating under one kind to be retained ; and it expressly declared that, by thus reverting to the apostolic practice, it by no means intended to " condemn the usage of any church out of the king's majesty's dominions." After several debates, this bill was attached to another, prohibiting the use of irreverent language towards the sacrament of the altar. In this form, it passed the two houses (Dec. 10), and ultimately re ceived the royal assent (Stat. 1 Ed. VI. c. 1 ; Lords' Journals, i. 306 ; Strype's Cranmer, 155, 156; Burnet, ii. 39). For a proclamation connected with the latter of the two bills, and a letter from Pole on the same subject, see Appendix, No. V.
3. The other point, proposed to the convocation, met with greater resistance. Instead of the unanimous assent given to the preceding question, a minority of twenty-two voices, out of seventy-five, was immediately raised against it; and though a bill, founded on the decision of the majority, was drawn up and passed by the commons (Dec. 20), yet its advocates, unwilling, perhaps, to encounter the opposition which seemed to threaten it in the upper house, silently aban doned its prosecution, for the present session (Strype's Cranmer, 156; Com mons' Journals, i. 3). In the following year, however, the subject was again re vived. On the f third of December, 1548, the bill was introduced in the com mons. It was debated again, two days later : but, on the third reading (Dec. 6), it was discovered that, although it pennitted married men, who should take orders, to retain their wives, it did not allow persons, already ordained, to con tract marriage. To remedy this mistake, another bill was prepared, and, after an angry discussion, at length (Dec. 13) transmitted to the lords. Here, how ever, it remained unnoticed, for nearly two months ; nor was it until the ninth
/ •£ of February, that the subject was able to attract the attention of the house. Even then, it was found necessary to substitute a new bill, for the one sent up from the commons. This was now debated : ten days later, it was carried by a ma jority of thirty-nine, out of fifty-one; and, having been accepted by the lower house, finally received the royal assent (Journals, of Commons, 4, 5, 8, 9 ; of Lords, 323, 339, 343 ; Burnet, ii. 84). The bill, as it was ultimately passed, will be found in the Appendix, No. VI.
4. It had been asserted by the late king, and acknowledged by the bishops
ART. i.] A FARTHER REFORMATION. 9
either to throw up their commissions, or comply with the ministry. Wherefore, to rescue themselves out of the hands of the laity, into which Cranmer had be- NOV. trayed them, they procured a bill to be brought 1549- into the house, tending towards the recovery of their jurisdiction : but it was discountenanced and thrown out. " The colour for laying the bill aside was, that the
and clergy, that all jurisdiction, ecclesiastical as well as civil, was derived im mediately from the crown. In conformity with this doctrine, an act was now passed, depriving the chapters of the right to elect their bishops, and vesting the appointment of the latter exclusively in the king. On the same ground, the in dependent power of the spiritual courts was abolished : all summonses, citations, and processes of archbishops and bishops, were ordered to be made in the name of the king ; and all instruments, issuing from their offices, were required to be sealed, not with the episcopal, but with the royal, arms. From the operation of these clauses, however, an exception was made, in favour of all faculties and dispensations granted by the archbishop of Canterbury, and of all collations, presentations, letters of order, and instruments published for the appointment or reform of any ecclesiastical officers. See Appendix, No. VII.
5. The proceedings of parliament respecting chantries, colleges, and hospitals, will be the subject of a separate article : those of the protector and his associates, concerning other matters, may here be shortly enumerated. On the twenty- seventh of January, 1548, Cranmer addressed a letter to his suffragans, order ing them in future to prevent the carrying of candles on Candlemass-day, the receiving of ashes on Ash- Wednesday, and the bearing of palms on Palm-Sun day (Wilk. iv. 22). The example was not without effect on the more impatient of the reformers. If the primate, by his own authority, could abolish these cere monies, why might not they also remove others, which were equally offensive to their piety ? The council was compelled to interfere. In a proclamation, published on the sixth of February, it noticed the scandals likely to arise from these unauthorized attempts : it denounced the " pride and arrogance " of those " curates, preachers, and other laymen," who, " according to their several fan tasies," sought to substitute their own inventions for " the old and accustomed ceremonies " of the church; and it forbade any person, under pain of imprison ment, to " omit, change, alter, or innovate any order, rite, or ceremony, com monly used in the church of England, and not commanded to be left undone, at any time in the reign of the late king, other than such as his present majesty, or the Archbishop of Canterbury by his majesty's desire, had already, or should thereafter, command to be omitted, left, innovated, or changed (Wilk. iv. 21; Burnet, ii. Rec. 118). At the same time, it hastened to vindicate the activity of its own zeal, in the eyes of the people. By the late king, an injunction had been issued, requiring all images to be removed, which had ever been the objects of superstition or abuse. The vagueness of the description became the source of frequent disputes : and, to prevent their recurrence, a more definite and com prehensive order (Feb. 24, 1548) was now published. It complained of the dis- sentions, that had arisen among the people, spoke of the necessity of restoring harmony, and concluded by enjoining each bishop, in his own diocese, to " give order that all images remaining in any church or chapel be removed and taken away." To shew, however, that the council was not wholly inattentive to things of lesser moment, another mandate required that all shrines should be destroyed, and that all the plate, jewels, and other valuables belonging to them, should be seized to the king's use.— Wilk. iv. 22; Burnet, ii. 57. Rec. 120.— TV)
10 EDWARD VI. [PART ii.
majority of the bishops and clergy were still popishly affected ; that, if power were put into such men's hands, they might probably turn it upon those who abetted the reformation."1 Where this was the management, it will be a difficult matter to conceive, how the reformation could be the work of a national church. That it was a contrivance of the ministry, in which the bishops and clergy were little regarded, is pretty plain : insomuch that Cranmer seems to have been the only prelate that acted with any thing of zeal upon the occasion. " Some there were (viz. Vesey of Exeter, Heath of Worcester, Day of Chichester, Gardiner of Winchester, Tunstal of Durham, Bonner, &c.) so stiff in their old opinions, that neither terror nor persuasion could prevail upon them, either to give their approbation of the king's proceed ings, or otherwise to advance the service. And some there were (viz. Kit chin of Llandaff, Capon of Salisbury, and Sampson of Coventry and Litchfield, &c.) who, though they outwardly complied with the king's com mands, yet did it so coldly, and with such reluctancy, as laid them open to the spoil, though not to the loss, of their bishoprics."2 As for the inferior clergy, they were under a general restraint. By an express order from court, " none of the clergy were to preach, but in their own cures, without the king's license. The reason of this restraint was, to hinder those that opposed the intended reformation, from spreading their opinions, arid haranguing where they pleased : whereas those of the protestant sentiment might move at large, have the countenance of the royal authority, and make proselytes as they were able."3
It was visible to all persons, that these methods tended towards an utter overthrow of the old religion. How ever, they moved on slowly, all the beginning of this reign. They were willing to satisfy the court, and, at the same time, find out such a temper, as might not be shocking to those of the old persuasion. To this purpose, a medley-service was performed, accordingly as people
1 Collier, ii. 266. * Heylin, 100. 3 Collier, ii. 224.
ART. i.] A FARTHER REFORMATION. 1 1
were disposed. Some said mass in Latin, as formerly ; others in half Latin half English ; but, generally, all the reformers, during this time, retained the word mass, allowed it to be a sacrifice, and prayed for the dead. Afterwards, viz. March 8, 1548, a proclamation was set forth, concerning some ceremonies to be ob served at communion, which intimated, that, in a little time, care would be taken to fix people's minds, as to what related to religion. In this proclamation, the king is introduced saying ; " We would not have our subjects so much to mislike our judgment, so much to mistrust our zeal, as though we either could not discern what were to be done, or would not do all things in due time. God be praised, we know both what, by his word, is meet to be redressed, and have an earnest mind, with all diligence and convenient speed, to set forth the same, &c. The king was but ten years old, in October last ; and therefore, to suppose him a judge in controversy thus early, and make him say he knew what was fit to be done, is somewhat extraordinary."1
1 Collier, ii. 246. [To explain this, it is necessary to mention some circum stances, which are omitted by Dodd. Parliament had declared that the com munion should, in future, be commonly administered to the people under both kinds ; but it had said nothing of the language to be used by the priest, and had made no provision for any alteration of the ancient form. These omissions were now to be supplied ; and a committee of divines, with Cranmer at their head, was therefore appointed, with instructions to draw up " a uniform order for administering the holy communion, in the English tongue, under both kinds of bread and wine." As an introduction to their labours, however, and in imitation of the proceeding adopted in the late reign, a body of questions was delivered to each member, for his opinion in writing. He was required to say, 1. Whether the sacrament of the altar was instituted, to be received by one man for an other, or to be received by every man for himself; 2. Whether the receiving of the said sacrament by one man did avail and profit another ; 3. What was the oblation and sacrifice of Christ in the mass ; 4. Wherein consisted the mass by Christ's institution ; 5. At what period commenced the custom, that the priest alone should receive the sacrament ; 6. Whether it were convenient that the same custom should continue still within this realm ; 7. Whether it were con venient that priests should still be hired, to sing [masses] for souls departed ; 8. Whether the gospel ought to be taught, at the time of mass, to the under standing of the people being present ; 9. Whether in the mass it were conve nient to use such speech as the people might understand ; 10. And at what time the reservation of the sacrament, and the hanging up of the same, first began. To these questions the members returned separate answers. Those of Cranmer, Holbech, Ridley, and Cox, were all, of course, in accordance with the views of the reformers: those of Goodrich, Salcot, and others, were less uniform in their tendency ; but the opinions of Bonner, Tunstal, Heath, Skip, Rugg, Day, and
12 EDWARD VI. [PART ir.
ARTICLE II.
SEIZURE OF COLLEGES, HOSPITALS, AND CHANTRIES. - THEI R NUMBER — NOT SEIZED BY HENRY VIII. — BILL CONVEYING THEM TO EDWARD — PROVISION
FOR THEIR INCUMBENTS GENERAL PURPOSES OF THE ACT NEGLECTED —
DESTRUCTION OF LIBRARIES — PLUNDER OF CHURCHES — PRINCIPAL ACTORS IN THESE SCENES — VIOLENCE OF THE REFORMERS — REMOVAL OF ALTARS.
BESIDES the greater and lesser monasteries, which had been dissolved in king Henry VIII. 's reign, there were a great many other pious foundations, which were in like manner bestowed upon the king ; but death prevented him from completing that work, which Edward VI.'s ministry was now to have the credit and profit of. These foundations were collegiate churches, hospitals, free- chapels, chantries, guilds, &c. Their number was com puted to be about 2374, all endowed with lands, pen sions, and moveable goods, to an immense value. ] When
Parfew, were, in most instances, expressed in language, conformable to the esta blished doctrine and practice of the church (Bumet, ii. Rec. 123 — 136 ; Heylin, 57, 58). How far these persons were afterwards induced to yield to the senti ments of their colleagues is unknown. The work, however, went forward : the committee met and deliberated, for several weeks; and, Cranmer having un successfully endeavoured to shake the opinions of Bonner and the other dissen tients (Burnet, ii. Rec. 136 — 138), a form of communion was at length produced, which seemed intended to meet the prejudices, and conciliate the approbation, of both parties. It left the mass unaltered, to be recited, as usual, in Latin, to the end of the priest's communion. It then added the English exhortation, " Dearly beloved in the Lord" with the Invitation, the General Confession, and Sentences of Scripture, as they stand in the present liturgy ; and finally, omitting the Preface, passed to the prayer, " We do not presume" and ordered the distri bution of the sacrament, under both kinds, and with the form which is still preserved. The sacramental bread was to be " such as heretofore had been accus tomed": and the benefit of auricular confession was to be inculcated on all, who were about to approach the holy table. This form of communion was era- bodied in the proclamation mentioned in the text, and published by the king's authority, on the eighth of March, 1548. Burnet, ii. 63 ; Heylin, 58. See Appendix, No. VIIL— 7VJ
1 [This was the number of the chantries and free-chapels only, without the hospitals, colleges, and guilds (Speed, 1085). The reader will remember the act, by which these establishments were placed at the disposal of the late king. Instead of vesting the property immediately in the crown, it merely empowered Henry do appoint commissioners for carrying it into effect : these commissioners were tp entev on possession of such colleges, chapels, or other foundations, as
ART. ii.] SEIZURE OF COLLEGES, ETC. 13
the law passed for their dissolution, " the act promised, the estates of these foundations should be converted to good and godly uses, in erecting grammar-schools, in further augmenting the universities, and better provision for the poor and needy. But these lands being mostly shared amongst the courtiers and others of the rich laity, the promise in the preamble was, in a great mea sure, impracticable."1 When the monasteries were dis solved, some kind of care was taken for the subsistence of the ejected monks : some were provided with pen sions, which were greater or less, according to the will ingness they shewed in resigning ; others wrere placed in benefices, as they fell out, their pensions ceasing upon the promotion. But as for the chantry priests, and such as served in the hospitals, &c., though some few were taken care of, the greatest part of them were reduced to the extremities of want, as also were many thousands of the laity who depended upon them. Nor was want
should be named in their commission ; and, until this form had been observed, the original proprietors could not be legally disturbed. It so happened, that, when Henry died, but few of these commissions had been executed. Of course, the powers, granted by the statute, were at an end ; and, before Edward, or rather his courtiers, could hope to obtain possession of the prize, a new law was necessary, to enable him to assert his claim. On this account, the bill, alluded to in the text, was framed and presented to the lords, on the 6th of December, 1547. It proposed that all hospitals, chantries, and free-chapels, not actually seized during the late reign, together with all provisions for anniversaries, obits, and church lights, and all guild-lands held by fraternities for the same pur poses, should be conveyed to the king, to be by him employed in the mainten ance of grammar-schools, in the payment of additional curates for such larger parishes as might require them, and in the competent endowment of vicarages, hitherto appropriated to collegiate, or other suppressed establishments. By Cranmer, who foresaw that the professed objects of the measure were not likely to be realized, it was warmly opposed. But his resistance was speedily over powered by the hungry expectants of the court. The bill passed, first through the lords, and afterwards, but with more difficulty, through the commons ; and the lands, goods, rents, and tenements, of nearly three thousand establishments were at once transferred to the crown (stat. 1, Ed. VI. c. 14). From a docu ment printed by Strype (Mem. ii. append. 85 — 94), it appears that part of the chantries, colleges, and free-chapels, disposed of, in 1548, were valued at 2,307Z. 12s. OH, per annum, and sold for 46,249/. 6s. 7$d. From such of the sales as we are acquainted with, in 1552, and 1553, a further sum of 138,765/. 18s. 6^d. was obtained; making a gross amount, derived only from a portion of the confiscated property, of 185,0157. 5s. 2\d. (Strype, ii. 362, 373, 427). Out of all this, twenty-two grammar schools were founded and endowed, at diffe times. Ibid. 535— 537.— T.] 2 Collier, ii. 239.
£Vv
14 EDWARD VI. [PART ii.
the only hardship they laboured under : they were ridi culed, and publicly insulted in the streets ; insomuch, that the ministry, being ashamed to suffer persons of their character to be treated with so much contempt, were obliged to issue forth a proclamation, November 12, 1547, for redressing the abuse.1
1 [The proclamation is in Collier (ii. 239), and relates, not to chantry priests alone, but to the clergy generally. " Forasmuch as the misorders, by the serv ing-men, and other young and light persons and apprentices of London, towards priests, and those that go in scholars' gowns, like priests, hath of late been so great, * * * * the king's highness willeth and straightly commandeth that no serving-man, or apprentice, or any other person, shall use hereafter such inso- lency and evil demeanour towards priests, as revelling, tossing of them, taking violently their caps and tippets from them," &c. It should be remarked, in reference to Dodd's account, that the proclamation is dated on the 12th of November, and that the bill for the alienation of chantry lands was not intro duced until the sixth of the following month.
The destitution of the priests, and the neglect of making provision for their support, are contradicted in the act itself. By it, the commissioners, to be appointed under its authority, are specially commanded to attend to this matter: they are authorized to assign any competent sum, not exceeding the original income of the several establishments, for the maintenance of the ejected or deprived persons ; and they are required to promise upon oath, that they will " execute their commissions beneficially towards the deans, masters, wardens,
iplied
every reason to believe. In a sermon, preached before the king, in 1550, Lever, afterwards master of St. John's College, Cambridge, publicly mentioned their fulfilment, as a subject of reproach. He told Edward that the intentions of the legislature had been contravened, and that, for the private purposes of the com missioners and their friends, they had been " setting abroad encloistered papists, to give them livings by giving them pensions ; yea, and thrusting them into bene fices, to poison the whole commonwealth, for the resignation of those pensions" (ApudStrype,ii. 64).
But the general purposes of the act were far from obtaining the same degree of attention. With the exception of the few foundations mentioned in a pre ceding note, nothing seems to have been done, to accomplish the professed objects of the legislature. Schools, already in existence, were destroyed: paupers, relieved or supported by the hospitals and guilds, were left to perish ; and the whole funds of these various establishments were squandered among the parasites of the court.- " Your majesty," said Lever, " hath received, by act of parliament, colleges, chantries, and guilds, for many good considerations.
* * * But now, many grammar-schools, and much charitable provision for the poor, be taken, sold, and made away, to the great slander of you and your laws, to the utter discomfort of the poor, to the grievous offence of the people, to the most miserable drowning of youth in ignorance, and sore decay of the universities. For God's sake," he concluded, " you that be in authority look upon it : for, if you wink at such matters, God will scowl upon you." (Ibid.).
In illustration of the atrocity of these proceedings, I may mention the instance of York. That city contained, either within the walls, or in its immediate vicinity, the five hospitals of St. Leonard, St. Nicholas, Bawtre, Bowtham, and Fossgate, valued together, at the period of the dissolution, at 4131. 19s. Id. (New Duo-d.
ART. ii.] SEIZURE OF COLLEGES, ETC. 15
Nothing was now left, besides the gleanings of the field, viz. church plate, rich vestments, unfurnishing altars, defacing windows, rifling libraries, tearing off brass from the tombs of their ancestors, and disturbing the ashes of the dead. In this manner it was, that " luxury, oppression, and a hatred to religion, had over run the higher rank of the people, and countenanced the reformation, merely to rob the church. "] To complete these matters, visitors were sent about, and, upon a pretence of rooting out superstition, made spoil of all things that might conduce to support either learning or piety. Upon this occasion, a letter was sent for the purging the library at Westminster from " all superstitious books, as missals, legends, and such like, and to deliver the garniture of the books to sir Anthony Aucher. These books wrere many of them plated with gold and silver, and curiously embossed. This, as far as we can collect, was the superstition that destroyed them. Here avarice had a very thin disguise, and the courtiers discovered of what spirit they were, to a re markable degree Merton college had almost a
cart-load of manuscripts carried off, and thrown away to the most scandalous uses. These books were written upon the subjects of divinity, astronomy, and mathe matics, by some of the most eminent of that society. Baliol, Exeter, Queen's, and Lincoln colleges were purged of a great part of the fathers and schoolmen ; and, to shew the discretion of some people was much of the same size with their justice, and what an antipathy they had to learned men, great heaps of these books
i. 1045 ; Speed, 1082). At the same time, the priory of Wetherall, in Cumber land, was valued at 1171. lls. lOd. (New Dugd. 1045). Now, the property be longing to the latter is at present held under leases from the dean and chapter of York ; and a portion of it, situated in one parish (that of Corby), produces, at this moment, an annual income of 2,350/., in rent and tithes. This is the return from a part only of a property, valued at no more than 117/. 1 \s. lOd. Apply the calculation to the York hospitals, worth nearly four times the amount, and, but for the plunder under Edward, there would have been a gross revenue of little less than 9000/. per annum, for the support of the aged and the sick, in a city, which now, with the aid of every charitable contrivance, can scarcely maintain a single infirmary. — T.~]
1 Echard,i. 750,751.
16 EDWARD VI. [PART ii.
were set on fire in the market-place The public
library, made up, in a great measure, of the books given by Angerville, bishop of Durham, Cobham, bishop of Worcester, and Humphrey, the good duke of Gloucester, underwent the same fate. The books marked with red were generally condemned, at a venture, for popery; and where circles, and other mathematical figures were found, they were looked upon as compositions of magic, and either torn or burnt This was a strange in quisition upon sense and learning ; and looks as if the earl of Warwick and some others of the visitors intended to seize the superstitious foundations, and reform them
to nothing The universities languished in their
studies, the remainder of this reign, and were remark able for nothing, but some trifling performances in poetry and grammar."1 And not only the reformers of this reign, but, in general, all of them, ever since, have been re proached by many judicious persons as too careless and deficient in those essential parts of learning, which pro perly belong to the character of a divine. For, though school divinity, the canon law, &c., are not without their trifles, yet it cannot be denied, but that the rich ore of learning lies in those mines ; being nothing else but the doctrine of the Scriptures and fathers, and the synodical decrees of the prelates of the church, ranged under cer tain heads, for the ease and benefit of those who ought to be acquainted with them ; while the generality of the reformers are, for the most part, wrapped up in the clas sics, and pedantic observations. The classics, I own, are a commendable study, a good foundation in the begin ning, and a pretty amusement by their continuance, at proper times, and for proper persons. But it is beneath the dignity of a divine to live always with Horace in his hand, to dive no farther than etymologies, and bubble mankind with their skill in the orientals ; and, at the same time, represent the Latin tongue as a trap to catch the foolish and the ignorant. But, to proceed :
In consequence of the act of parliament for the seizures
1 Collier, ii. 307. He cites Wood, Hist. Oxon. lib. i. 271,272, lib. ii. 48—50.
ART. ii.] SEIZURE OF COLLEGES, ETC. 17
above- mentioned, the ministry issued out orders to strip the churches of their unnecessary furniture ; l 1552 to the more speedy execution of which orders, bishop Hooper's doctrine did contribute very much. This divine, pressing for a farther reformation, was very much dis pleased at the word altar, as well as with the situation of it. It was chiefly through his persuasion, that it was removed from the end of the chancel to the middle, that it might appear to be no more than a table. This proved to be a very serviceable alteration, and en couraged the execution of the orders for the dismantling of altars.2 For a table placed in the middle, having no adjuncts, a few ornaments would suffice, and the visitors took care to leave none, but what were absolutely ne cessary. " Some profit wras thereby raised to the king's exchequer ; yet the far greatest part of the prey came to other hands : insomuch, that many private men's parlours were hung with altar-cloths, their tables and beds covered with copes, instead of carpets and cover lets ; and many made carousing cups of the sacred chalices, as once Belshazzar celebrated his drunken feast in the sanctified vessels of the temple. It was a sorry house, and not worth the naming, which had not somewhat of this furniture in it, though it were only a fair large cushion, made of a cope, or altar-cloth, to adorn their windows, or make their chairs appear to have somewhat in them of a chair of state. Yet how contemptible were these trappings, in comparison of those vast sums of money which were made of jewels, plate, and cloth of tissue, either conveyed beyond the seas, or sold at home, and good lands purchased with the money, nothing the more blessed to the posterity of them that bought them, for being purchased with the
1 Fuller, lib. vii. 417. Wilkins, iv. 77. [The commissioners were permitted to leave, " one, two, or more chalices, or cups, according to the multitude of people, in every such church or chapel, and also such other ornaments, as, by their discretion, should seem requisite for the divine service in every such place, for the time." Ibid.— 7'.]
2 Heylin, 95, 132.
VOL. II. C
18 EDWARD VI. [PART n.
consecrated treasures of so many temples."1 " This order for undressing the churches was, it seems, represented to the king (as Burnet relates the fact) as an inoffensive expedient, and only calling for the superfluous plate, and other goods that lay in churches, more for pomp than use. But those, who called these things super fluous, and showed so slender a regard for the honour of religion, were none of the best reformers. Had these people governed in the minority of Josiah, as they did in this of Edward VI., they would, in all likelihood, have retrenched the expence of the Mosaic institution, and served God at a more frugal rate. They would have disfurnished the temple of most of the gold plate, carried off the unnecessary magnificence, and left but little plunder for Nebuchadnezzar."2
Notwithstanding the care taken by the visitors, in removing these pretended superstitious ornaments, the council was informed, that there had been several con cealments of church plate, which occasioned a new order from the king, not long before he died, to enquire after such concealments. " This was still a new rifling of churches, by which it appeared, some were resolved not to desist, till they had reduced them to a primitive poverty, as well as the reformers designed to have raised them to a primitive purity. The king himself set his hand to these instructions ; from which some have se verely inferred, that he was ill-principled in himself, when, at such an age, he joined his authority to such proceedings."3 Mr. Echard, willing to represent the king in the best manner, upon this scandalous occasion, pretends, " he was now in his last sickness, and so weak,
1 Heylin, 134. [Fuller (lib. vii. 417) describes this scene of plunder pre cisely in the same way. — T.~]
2 Collier, ii. 336, answering Burnet, ii. 205.
3 Echard, i. 748. [That much of the plate, &c., was concealed is certain : but Dodd is mistaken in supposing that a second commission was issued. Echard, in fact, to whom he refers, speaks only of the one already mentioned, which expressly states the fact of the embezzlement, and orders the commis sioners to enquire into it (Fuller, lib. vii. 418). Echard, however, places it in 1553, — a year too late; and hence, probably, Dodd's mistake. — T.~\
ART. ii.] SEIZURE OF COLLEGES, ETC. 19
that it is probable he set his hand to every thing sent him by the council, without anxiously examining the contents of it."1 But this is a poor apology., either for the king or ministry. It is somewhat to be admired,, that a prince, otherwise esteemed to be discerning and re ligious, should give into sacrilege and impiety , when he was upon the point of leaving the world, and giving an account of all his actions. The approach of death is a time when persons are most serious, and most inclinable to do good. But here is a prince, introduced signing every thing, right or wrong, without examination, issuing out sacrilegious orders, and settling the crown contrary to law, merely to support the cause of the reformation. How unhappy was the fate of that church, which de pended upon a delirious prince, a rapacious ministry, and a time-serving clergy ! — To conclude this seizure : the last order was for burning and destroying all Feb. 14, the public service-books, formerly made use of 155°- in the churches, viz. missals, antiphoners, graduals, manuals, primers, portuasses, couchers, processionals, &c. ; by which means these hungry zealots, having de voured the flesh and substance of what they called super stition, were now obliged to pick the bones.2
I remit the reader to our historians, for a more par ticular account of the persons, that were employed in carrying on these matters : from whence it will appear, that they merited as ill from the hands of men, as of God ; many of them being condemned to die, and all, in a manner, of so scandalous a behaviour, that they were very unfit instruments to reform the world. I shall only mention the protector, Seymour, the king's uncle, who, for his avarice, and sacrilege, wras punished, even in this life, with the loss of his head. " He, who had destroyed so many churches, invaded the estates of so many cathedrals, deprived so many learned men of their means arid livelihood, did want, or rather not de-
1 Echard, i. 748.
2 Wilkins, iv. 37. [For this, however, there was a special act of parliament stat. 4 Ed. VI., c. 10), which will he mentioned in a suhsequent note. — T.~\
C 2
20 EDWARD VI. [PART 11.
sire,, the benefit of the clergy, in his greatest extremity."1 The like judgment fell upon sir Michael Stanhope, sir Thomas Arundel, sir Ralph Vane, and sir Miles Part ridge, who were become notorious for plundering the churches, and reforming after the new method.2 And then again, as for the behaviour and morals of the re formers, in this reign, they are thus described by bishop Burnet, an author dexterous enough to disguise matters in favour of the reformation, where they were capable of it. " The open lewdness in which many lived, with out shame or remorse, gave great occasion to their ad versaries to say, they were in the right to assert justifi cation by faith, without works, since they were, as to every good work, reprobate. Their gross and insatiable scrambling after the goods and wealth, that had been dedicated with good designs, though to superstitious uses, without applying any part of it to the promoting the Gospel, the instructing the youth, and relieving the poor, made all people conclude, that it was for robbery, and not for reformation, that their zeal made them so active. . . . The irregular and immoral lives of many of the professors of the Gospel gave their enemies great advantages, to say, they ran away from confession, penance, fasting, and prayers, only that they might be under no restraint, but indulge themselves in a licen tious and dissolute course of life. By these things, that were but too visible in some of the more eminent among them, the people were much alienated from them ; and as much as they were formerly prejudiced against popery, they grew to have kinder thoughts of it, and to look on all the changes that had been made, as designs to enrich some vicious courtiers, and to let in an inundation of vice and wickedness upon the nation."3
This establishment of the reformation, under Edward VI., has so ill an aspect, that it is a difficult matter to reconcile it to common understanding, so as to represent it as either a religious or prudential undertaking. Let us see how some of their historians have managed the
1 Heylin, 110. 2 Strype, ii. 310 ; Heylin, 116, 117. 3 Burnet, iii. 210, 217-
ART. ii.] SEIZURE OF COLLEGES, ETC. 21
story. Dr. Heylin and Mr. Collier, two noted writers, are accused, by many of their own church, for being too severe in their charges against both the method and motives of the first reformers ; and yet, notwithstanding that disadvantage, the account given by those authors is recommended to the world, as a sufficient justification of the reformation, as to what is essential. Now, to disengage themselves from this difficulty, and incon sistency in divine providence, of having God's cause carried on by wicked instruments, and upon the worst of motives, they seem to distinguish three sorts of per sons, that were labouring for a reformation, in Edward VI. 's reign. First, the courtiers, under the direction of the protector ; all these, they candidly own, were highly guilty of ambition, avarice, and sacrilege. A second sort were those they are pleased to call gospellers, excited by Calvin and others, that bellowed out reformation from the pulpit, without either fear or wit. A third sort they would have to have been certain moderate bishops and divines, wrho moved in order, and with great decency, in the work they had undertaken. By ranging persons under these heads, they would signify, that the moderate reformers were not chargeable with the in justices and sacrileges of the rest, that busied themselves with reforming the church. But, when the king him self, who is head of the church, concurs in all things with his sacrilegious ministry ; when the visitors, who were appointed to see justice done, made themselves notorious by misrepresentations and oppression ; when preachers were allowed, by authority, to ridicule the sacred mysteries of religion ; when the prelates, who were established by Christ, to rule and govern the church, were obliged either to be silent, or talk in the key of the ministry ; when all, in fine, were employed either in giving or executing the scandalous orders, it will be a hard task to find out those moderate reformers, who carried on the work in a legal and evangelical manner. On the other hand, catholics look upon the disadvantageous character, which several of their ad versaries give of these first reformers, to be a stroke of
22 EDWARD VI. [PART n.
providence, to discover the nakedness of their cause ; and that their pens were invisibly directed by Almighty God, in favour of the old religion. Now, that persons of figure and power were concerned in the oppressive methods of those times, either by directing, or slavishly submitting, is apparent, from several instances. The bishops accepted of their dignities, upon any terms whatever. For, " in all the vacancies of sees, there were a great many of their best lands taken from them, and their revenues brought to so low a condition, that it was scarce possible for them to subsist."1 " Even Cran- mer was forced to part with the better half of the pos sessions of his see ; and Ridley, soon after his entry into London, was forced to give away four of the best manors of his see, in one day. These two were the greatest favourites among all the bishops of that day."2 When a commission was granted to reform the university of Oxford,, " the visitors were so fond of novelty, that they ridiculed the university degrees, and discouraged the exercises. They called the universities a seat for block heads, and the stews of the whore of Babylon ; and the schools had commonly no better name than the devil's chapel."3 Mr. Camden tells us, that " sacrilegious ava rice ravenously invaded church livings, colleges, chant ries, hospitals, and places dedicated to the poor, as things superstitious ; ambition and emulation among the nobility, presumption and disobedience among the com mon people, grew so extravagant and insolent, that England seemed to be in a down-right frenzy."4 The preachers of those days, even those that were chosen to fill the best pulpits, observed no decorum, and appeared to be carried away with enthusiastic raptures, in their declamations. "Such a peccancy of humour began then manifestly to break out, that it was preached at Paul's cross, by one sir Stephen (for so they commonly called such of the clergy as were under the degree of doctor) , the curate of St. Catherine's, Christ-church, that it was
1 Collier, ii. 325. [He cites the words from Burnet, ii. 192, 193.— -71] - Collier, ii. rec. 80. 3 Idem, ii. 326. 4 Camd. in Kennet, ii. 306.
ART. ii.] SEIZURE OF COLLEGES, ETC. 23
fit the names of churches should be altered, and the names of the days in the week changed ; that fish-days should be kept on any other days than on Fridays and Saturdays, and the Lent at any other time, except only between Shrovetide and Easter. We are told also, by John Stowe, that he had seen the said sir Stephen to leave the pulpit, and preach to the people out of a high elm, which stood in the midst of the church-yard, and, that being done, to return to the church again, and, leaving the high altar, to sing the communion service upon a tomb of the dead, with his face toward the north. To such wild fancies do men grow, when once they break those bounds, and neglect those rules, which wise antiquity ordained, for the preservation of peace and order."1 This passage may, perhaps, appear trivial, and below the dignity of the subject ; but, I suppose, our historians have recorded it, to give us a true idea of the humour of those times. Something like this may be observed in the reformers, in regard of several other matters. For instance, when they were at a stand, about the sacrifice of the mass, one while they were disposed to retain the names sacrifice and mass., and, as a necessary consequence also, the word altar. Soon after, they discarded those words, as favouring supersti tion. Afterwards, the altar was to be called a table ; and, that it might not put them in mind of superstition, it was removed at some distance from the wall ; and again, this not being thought sufficient, they placed it in the middle of the chancel, and, at last, it was re turned to its first place, where the high altar stood. Upon which occasion, Dr. Hugh Weston merrily said, " The reformation was like an ape, not knowing which way to turn his tail."2
1 Hcylin, 93, 04. 3 Foxc, iii. 70.
24 EDWARD VI. [PART n.
ARTICLE III.
INSURRECTIONS. IN WILTSHIRE AND OTHER COUNTIES THEY ARE SUP PRESSED IN DEVONSHIRE AND CORNWALL DEMANDS OF THE REBELS
THEY BESIEGE EXETER AND ARE DEFEATED AND DISPERSED — IN
NORFOLK — KETT'S ARMY VICTORIOUS — BUT AFTERWARDS ROUTED.
UPON the alterations that were made in the discipline of the church, a general discontent appeared all over the nation. They saw plainly that all was going to ruin, and that the system of religion was aimed at, no less than the revenues of the church. Many of the no bility and gentry had agreed to take in the waste grounds, which lately belonged to the religious houses, of which now they were become proprietors, either by purchase, or gifts from the crown. Several disturbances happened upon this occasion ; but most especially in Devon shire and Norfolk, where there was a general in surrection.1 In Devonshire, a body of ten thousand men was commanded by Humphrey Arundel, Thomas Holmes, and other neighbouring gentlemen. They drew up a manifesto, which consisted of fifteen articles, the chief whereof were ; that the six-article act against heresy should be revived, and the new liturgy abolished : that Dr. Moreman and Dr. Crispin might be permitted to preach without molestation : that cardinal Pole's at tainder might be reversed, he sent for over, and be one
1 [The insurrections in Devonshire and Norfolk had been preceded by dis turbances in the counties of Wilts, Sussex, Hants, Kent, Gloucester, Suffolk, Warwick, Essex, Hertford, Leicester, Worcester, and Rutland. As in the other instances, the real or immediate origin of the tumults lay in the scarcity of provisions, the low rate of wages, and the injury inflicted on" the poor% by the enclosure of the waste lands : but " by fair persuasions, partly of honest men among themselves, partly by gentlemen, they were often appeased" (Edward's Journal, 4). The indiscretion of the protector, however, soon revived the com motion. Alarmed at the proceedings of the insurgents, he had dispatched a commission to enquire into their complaints, and to throw open the obnoxious, enclosures. This measure encouraged the resolution of the people : the par tiality of the commissioners enkindled their resentment ; and, in a few days, the counties of Oxford, Devon, Norfolk, and York, were added to the disturbed districts (Strype, ii. J71, 172; Edward's Journal, 5). The task of reducing the Oxfordshire insurgents was committed to the lord Grey of Wilton, with a body of 1500 men. As he advanced, his force was strengthened by the gentlemen of the county : the rebels were defeated in the first encounter ; and the death of some, the capture of others, and the execution of the most conspicuous of the ringleaders, effectually restored the tranquillity of the neighbourhood. Edward's Journal, 5 : Strypd, ii. 171, 172.— TV]
ART. HI.] INSURRECTIONS. 25
of the privy-council : that some of the abbeys might be rebuilt, and their lands restored to the ancient proprie tors. Answers were distinctly returned to every article ; but not being to the satisfaction of the party, they still continued under arms.1 Some of them went upon this notion, that, during the king's minority, the ministry had no power to establish new laws, destructive of the acts in force, in the former reign ; and particularly, that religion ought to remain in the same posture it was left in, at the decease of king Henry VIII. To this it was answered, in general terms, that it was not age, but birthright, which invested the king with power and pre rogative. In the conclusion, they were promised a pardon, if they would lay down their arms, and return to their respective places of abode ; otherwise, the go vernment would use force, and proceed against them with the utmost severity.2 But the offer was refused. They went on with the siege of Exeter, where, having lain about six weeks, the city was relieved by the royal army, under the command of lord Russell and lord Grey,
1 [The articles, with the reply, an elaborate argument from the pen of the primate, is in Strype's Cranmer (Appendix, 80 — 113). Besides the matters mentioned in the text, the insurgents demand the restoration of the mass, of the ancient Latin services of the church, of images, crucifixes, and pictures, of the various ceremonies that had been abolished, and of the pious custom of praying for the souls in purgatory. They require the English scrip tures to be called in, and suppressed ; and they positively refuse to receive the new service, first, " because it is but like a Christmas game "; secondly, because, as regards the Cornish part of the confederates, who " understand no English", it is, of course, unintelligible. To this latter reason Cranmer replies, that Latin- is equally unintelligible : but he forgets that he has just before assigned this very fact, as a reason why the mass should not be said in Latin. If a want of acquaintance with the Latin tongue render a Latin service improper, will an ignorance of the English tongue be less conclusive against an English form of prayer ?
. Before I close this note, I must be permitted to remark on a passage in Mr. Sharon Turner's history. Having discovered that the insurgents demanded the recall of Pole, he first talks of that prelate's " treasonable intercourse with the supporters of the papacy in England"; and then, advancing a step farther, boldly asserts that the insurrection was the result of the cardinal's " extensive correspondence and secret activity " (Hist. Edw. VI., 254, 255). Perhaps it is needless to observe, that, of this " treasonable intercourse " and " extensive correspondence ", no trace has been discovered, save in the imagination of the historian himself.— T.~\
2 [This answer was put forth in a proclamation, running in the king's name, and informing the insurgents, in a tone of bitter contempt, that, in thus address ing them, their sovereign had " descended from his high majesty for love, to consider them in their base and simple ignorance ". The Proclamation is iit Foxe, ii. 1. ix. 15, IG.—T.]
26 EDWARD VI. [PART n.
supported by a body of Germans, Lutherans, sent for over, purposely to overawe the English, upon this critical juncture of establishing the reformation. After a sharp
AUG. engagement, the Devonshire army was entirely
6- routed, 4000 of their men being killed and taken
prisoners. The royal army entered the city August 6,
1549. Some of the chief of this insurrection were exe cuted in the neighbourhood. Humphrey Arundel, the general, and one or two more, were conducted to Lon don, and suffered at Tyburn, January 27, J550.1
About the time of this insurrection, another, no less formidable, appeared in Norfolk, headed by Robert Kett. The rebels of Devonshire " did openly avouch the advancing of popery ; these others were only sus pected secretly [to be] fomented by some papists."2 They first rendevouzed July 6, 1549, at Moushold-hill,
JuLY near Norwich, being 20,000 men, though rather a 6- rabble than a regular army. It does not appear that they proposed any thing concerning religion. All they pretended was, a reformation of the ministry, and pulling down the late enclosures.8 It was not long before an army was sent down to disperse them, under the command of William Parr, marquis of Northampton, being assisted by a number of Lutheran troops, foreign ers. The marquis was repulsed with considerable loss, and lord Sheffield lost his life in the engagement. After wards, the king's army being reinforced by a body of
AUG. men, under the command of John Dudley, earl of 27- Warwick, Kett, and his army were entirely routed, and near 2000 men killed upon the spot. Kett being taken prisoner, was executed on a gallows, in the castle of Norwich, and a great many suffered in other places. This engagement happened August 27, 1549.4
1 Edward's Journal, 5; Strype, ii. Append. 103—108; Hayward, 292, 295; Stowe, 596, 603.
2 Fuller, 1. vii. 397. [The word " only ", in this citation, is not in Fuller. — T.~\
3 [These were the whole of their professed objects, at first : but as their numbers encreased, their views also extended, and they afterwards hesitated not to complain, that " holy rites, established by antiquity, were abolished, new ones authorized, and a new form of religion obtruded, to the subjecting of their souls to those horrid pains, which no death could terminate." Heylin, 77; Godwin, 93.— T.]
4 Edward's Journal, 5, 6; Hayward, 296—300; Stowe, 597.
ART. iv.] A NEW LITURGY, ETC. 27
ARTICLE IV.
A NEW LITURGY, ETC. TROOPS ENGAGED TO SUPPORT THE REFORMATION
CRANMER'S CATECHISM — A COMMISSION FOR REVISING THE LITURGY — THE
BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER THE ACT OF UNIFORMITY — FASTS, ABSTINENCES,
AND HOLIDAYS ENJOINED BY PARLIAMENT — DISPENSATIONS FROM FASTING DESTRUCTION OF MISSALS, &C. ARTICLES OF RELIGION CODE OF ECCLE SIASTICAL LAWS NEW ORDINAL THE BOOK OF HOMILIES.
WHILE the ministry proceeded no farther than cere mony and discipline, in the alterations they made, a great many of the clergy, though they wanted not zeal to sup port the cause of the old religion, yet thought it pru dence to sit down in quiet, imagining, perhaps, that there might be a superfluity and an abuse of ceremonies, especially among the populace, and ignorant sort of people. But finding, by degrees, that there was a de sign, in some persons, to attack the discipline established over the whole church, and even to break into the creed of their ancestors, they appeared very uneasy, published several books in defence of the ancient faith, and fre quently challenged the opposite party to try the cause by disputation. But "the court, who, it is thought, might have something farther than religion in view, did not think it advisable to venture the cause upon dispu tation, and rely wholly upon arguments. They might be apprehensive, that, unless the disagreement between Rome and England was carried to a wider distance, the breach might possibly be closed, and that such an union might prove unfriendly to their church estates. On the other hand, they were not assured, whether any farther alterations in doctrine and worship would be well re ceived. The minority of the prince was a circumstance of disadvantage : and, how far the people would be passive under a new face of things, was not easy to con jecture. To guard against the worst, it was thought fit to be furnished with forces to awe the opposite party, and prevent them from giving disturbance. And, as an army was a seasonable provision, there wanted not a colour to raise it. A marriage (as hath been observed)
28 EDWARD VI.
PART II.
was agreed, in the late reign, between the young queen of Scotland and the present king ; but the Scots failed in their articles. The protector and the council, there fore, resolved to bring them to reason. For this pur pose, men were levied, a fleet equipped, and the veteran troops at Boulogne and Calais embarked for England. The protector likewise had several regiments of Wal loons and Germans in his pay : not that he had a better opinion of their courage, but because he might believe them more ready to execute any harsh service at home, if occasion required."1
By these forcible methods, in conjunction with several other motives, capable of working upon the infirmities of human nature, the nation became more susceptible of the impressions, in favour of the reformation ; so that, in a little time, the project was set a-foot of a new liturgy, a new ordinal, with a collection of articles, canons, and homilies, which were designed as a standard, both for doctrine and discipline.2 Wherefore, in the year 1548, the second of Edward VI., a commission was granted by the protector and council, to certain bishops and divines, to draw up a form of prayer, by way of liturgy. The persons in commission were, the two archbishops, the bishops of London, Durham, Worcester, Norwich, St. Asaph's, Salisbury, Litchfield, Hereford, Westminster, and Rochester. Those of this commission among the inferior clergy were, Dr. Cox, Dr. May, Dr. Taylor, Dr. Haynes, Dr. Robertson, and Dr. Redman, all
1 Collier, ii. 228, 229. See also Heylin, 39, 40.
2 [I may here mention Cranmer's Catechism, a work which immediately pre ceded the book of Common Prayer. It was a translation, made and published by the archbishop, from the Dutch ; and, under the title of " A short Instruction to Christian religion, for the singular profit of children and young people", con tained a familiar exposition of the Lord's prayer, the creed, the commandments, and the two sacraments of baptism and the eucharist. There are some points in this treatise, that are worthy of notice. With the catholic church, Cranmer comprises the two prohibitions of false Gods and images in one commandment ; an arrangement, which both Burnet and Strype acknowledge to be " of no great consequence." He speaks of penance as a sacrament, inculcates the duty of frequent confession, expresses a wish for the revival of the ancient penitential canons, and, contrary to the principles avowed by him in the late reign, dis tinctly asserts the divine origin of all ecclesiastical jurisdiction. See Collier, ii. 251 ; Strype's Cranmer, 159, 160; Burnet, ii. 67. — 7VJ
ART. iv.] A NEW LITURGY, ETC. 29
deans, excepting Redman, who was master of Trinity college in Cambridge.1 They pretended to work upon the plan of the four rituals, hitherto used in England, viz., those of Sarum, York, Bangor, and Lincoln. When this work was completed, many months passed before it obtained a legal establishment ; during which time, many of the bishops and clergy made use of the ancient liturgy, or mass, in Latin ; others took up the new one, which was well concerted to carry on the interest of the reformation. For no doctrinal point being imposed directly by this new liturgy, this made a great many of the clergy conform to it, who otherwise were enemies to the reformed doctrine, and hitherto had gone no farther than renouncing the pope's supremacy. By this means many were drawn, unthinkingly, into the snare that was laid for them. For by reconciling the clergy to a liturgy, which carried a pretty good face, and varied very little, only in certain omissions, from the Latin liturgy, the pill was swallowed with more ease. How ever, it was far from giving a general content. Catho lics made their exceptions against it, both as to the substance and manner. They alleged, that it was a bold undertaking, to model a-riew the liturgy of the universal church ; that the omissions were suspected of a design against the Christian sacrifice ; that it was a piece of presumption to affirm (as the act specified) that it was carried on with the aid of the Holy Ghost. " Some also censured this provision of a common prayer, because it is said to have been composed by one uniform consent- ment ; and yet four of the bishops, who were in the com mittee for drawing it, protested against the bill. These were the bishops of Norwich, Hereford, Chichester, and Westminster :"2 while others were in hopes it was only a temporary scheme, to humour a set of men unreason-
1 [Burnet (ii. 58), and Collier (ii. 243) add to this list the bishops of Carlisle, Bristol, St. David's, Ely, Lincoln, and Chichester. Fuller (1. vii. 386) and Heylin (58), who give a different list, are undoubtedly wrong. — T.~\
2 Collier, ii. 264. [Besides these, there were four other dissentient bishops, who had been on the committee, namely, those of London, Durham, Carlisle, and Worcester. Lords' Journals, i. 331. — 71.]
30 EDWARD VI. [PART n.
ably disposed for novelties, as, indeed, a great many were, who never rested, till it was revised, and many ceremonies, which they esteemed to be superstitious, entirely left out. The truth is, the compilers of this first common prayer were so complaisant to the old re ligion, as to retain several practices, which some of their party thought to be inconsistent with the purity of the Gospel. For instance, the cross was ordered upon the head and breast of those that were baptized ; as also, upon the forehead of those that received confirmation. The ceremony of anointing was, for some time, kept up in baptism ; as also in extreme unction, if the sick person demanded it. Prayer for the dead was retained as a part of the service, and the liturgy styled a sacrificial oblation.1 However, most of these, and such like cere monies and practices were soon after discharged, accord ingly as the reformers received new lights, and a plau sible turn was given to the whole affair. They pretended, that only such ceremonies were discharged as were visibly superstitious, that darkened the Gospel, and were cumbersome to religion ; and that they retained such as guarded religion from nakedness and contempt ; there being a great deal of difference, said they, between the gaudy attire of popery, and the decent dress of the re formation.2 But, to speak without passion, or prejudice, concerning this point, it must be owned, that, although ceremonies are not things of the greatest consequence, yet there may be both inconvenience and danger, in permitting every particular church to act as they please
1 [See Collier, ii. 255 — 261, and L'Estrange's Alliance of Divine Offices. It may be added, that, in the prayer of consecration, the blessing of the priest was added to the invocation of the Holy Spirit, thus, — " Heare us O mercyfull Father, we beseeche thee, and with thy Holy Spirite and Worde vouchsafe to bl+esse and sancti+n'e these thy gifts and creatures of bread and wyne, that they maye be unto us the bodie and blood of thy most derely beloved Sonne, Jesus Christe ". By the rubric, the bread was still ordered to be unleavened ; the sacrament was to be received " in the mouth, at the priest's hands "; and one individual in each family was to communicate, in person or by substitute, every Sunday, and pay his accustomed share of the expence. Besides the unction, in baptism, the ancient practice of exorcising the child, and of clothing it with a white garment, was retained; and the blessing, pronounced on the married couple, was accompanied with the sign of the cross. — TV)
2 L'Estrange, 13—15.
ART. iv.] A NEW LITURGY, ETC. 31
upon these occasions. There is sometimes a great con nection between ceremonies and articles of faith ; inso much, that the former are, as it were, a comment upon the latter, for the instruction of the ignorant, and to keep the mystery alive in their memory. Again, many ceremonies have been consecrated, from the earliest times of Christianity, for the perpetual use of religion ; which, it is to be supposed, are neither ridiculous nor superstitious. The pretence of reforming and purging the church from certain practices is only a stratagem of the devil, who, in all ages, has stirred up pretended zealots to attack the mystery, through the ceremony, and to lop off the branches, only with a design to kill the tree. Those, that have refined upon the late refor mation, afford us a proof of this observation. The church, by law established, has not given content in the matter of ceremonies. The dissenters still quarrel with their discipline, and represent it as full of superstition ; and some have not been satisfied, till they have stripped religion of all its leaves and branches, upon a pretence of making a thorough reformation, and adoring the Lord only in spirit and truth.
To leave this digression, and return to the account of the liturgy, or common prayer : — it was first drawn up, in the year 1548, and, though frequently made use of, yet not enjoined, till a proclamation came forth, June 24, 1549, ordering that no one, for the future, should, so much as in private, make use of any other liturgy, and that the service, or mass, in Latin, should be laid aside. Soon after, it was established by act of 1549. parliament, called the uniformity act, with severe JAN- 15- penalties for non-compliance.1 Every clergyman not
1 [There is an important error in this passage. The document, here called a Proclamation, and said to have preceded the act of parliament, was, in reality, a letter from the council to Boimer, and was written more than five months after the passing of the bill. By the latter, which was carried on the 15th of Janu ary, 1549, it was enacted that the new liturgy should come into general use, at the following feast of Pentecost. On that day, the English service was, for the first time, solemnly performed in the cathedral of St. Paul's. But the clergy, though, to escape the penalties, they had been induced to conform to the provi sions, of the act, were not disposed to abandon the ancient liturgy : the bishop, moreover, was known to be favourable to their views ; and, accordingly, while
32 EDWARD VI. [PART n.
making use of it, in the church service, was, for the first offence, to suffer half a year's imprisonment, and forfeit
the Common-Prayer was publicly recited at the high altar, mass continued to be privately celebrated in the different chapels of the cathedral. This evasion of the law was, of course, speedily reported to the council ; and it was for the purpose of preventing it, that the letter in question was addressed to Bonner. It recited the facts, on which it was grounded ; denounced the conduct of the clergy, in this instance, as " a scorn to the reverence of the communion of the Lord's body and blood"; and concluded by prohibiting any deviation, in the liturgy, from the form " appointed in the book of the public service". The letter and the act of parliament will be found in the Appendix, No. IX.
I may here mention two other acts, which Dodd has printed among his re cords, but which he has otherwise omitted to notice. The first is for the regu lation of the fasts and abstinences of the church. It was passed in March, 1549, and was directed against the " sensuality " of those reformers, who, together with the doctrines, had been careful to throw aside the restraints, of religion. Its pre amble, however, sufficiently indicates the character of the time. The king's subjects, it says, have now " a more perfect and clear light of the Gospel, and true word of God ". But they employ their knowledge, to indulge their appe tites ; and, instead of endeavouring to " encrease in virtue ", seek only " to sa tisfy their sensuality". These abuses must be remedied. Wherefore, since " godly abstinence is a mean to virtue ", and, at the same time, an assistance to trade ; since it will at once " subdue men's bodies to their soul and spirit", and encrease the employment of those, who live " by fishing in the sea ", it is now enacted and ordained, that, from and after the first day of May next ensuing, all persons, not specially licensed, or exempted by this act, shall be bound, under pain of fine and imprisonment, to abstain from flesh-meat, on the Friday and Saturday in each week, on the ember days, on the days of Lent, and on all other days commonly known and accepted as fish-clays. — Such was the manner, in which piety and profit could be associated, in the discipline of a reformed church! — See Appendix, No. X.
The other act, to which I have alluded, was passed in March, 1552. It is called " An Act for the keeping of holidays and fasting days " : but it relates principally to the former ; and will not be uninstructive to those, who have been accustomed to hear the festivals of the catholic church condemned and reviled. It begins by lamenting the negligence of the people, in the discharge of their religious duties ; says that, " to help their infirmity ", certain days have been set apart, and consecrated to the exercises of prayer, and to the hearing of God's word ; and declares, that, as no certain or definite number of such days has been prescribed in holy Scripture, so " the appointment both of the time, and also of the number of days, is left, by the authority of God's word, to the liberty of Christ's church, to be determined and assigned orderly, in every country, by the discretion of the rulers and ministers thereof, as they shall judge most expedient to the true setting forth of God's glory, and the edification of their people ". It then proceeds to specify the days, which shall henceforth be kept holy, and on which the people shall be " commanded to abstain from lawful bodily labour". It names the festivals still retained in the calendar of the Common-Prayer book: it ordains that the eves or vigils of the Nativity, the Resurrection, and the Ascension of our Lord, of Pentecost, of the Purification and Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin, of All Saints, and of all festivals of the Apostles, except that of St. John and of SS. Philip and James, shall be observed as fasting days ; and it specially authorizes all archbishops, bishops, and other persons possessing spiritual jurisdiction, to enquire into all offences against its provisions, to pro ceed against the violators of its regulations, and to enforce its observance either
ART. iv.] A NEW LITURGY, ETC. 33
a year's profits of one of his benefices ; the second offence was deprivation, ipso facto, and imprisonment for twelve months; the third offence was imprisonment 'during life.1 Thus the common prayer stood, from its first establishing, anno 1549, till it was revised and altered in the year 1552. It was revised and altered again under queen Elizabeth, anno 1559; again under king James I., in 1604 ; afterwards under king Charles II., anno 1662. Several alterations were made at those times, at the instance of the dissenters ; and, lastly, they attempted to have it revised and corrected, in the year 1689, but without success. I will give all the particu lars, as they fall in with the course of my history.
The common prayer being thus established, the re formers still wranted a standard for doctrine, whereby they might appear, at least, to be united in one belief.
" by the censures of the church", or by " such penance as, in their discretion, shall he thought meet and convenient ". This act was repealed in the reign of Mary, hut was restored to the statute book, at the accession of James I., and remains still in force. It will he found in the Appendix, No. XI.
Before I close this note, I must be permitted to refer to a curious letter, addressed by bishop Hooper to Cecil, and lately published by Mr. Tytler, in his Illustrations of the reigns of Edward and Mary. The prelate has been com plaining of the high price of provisions, and of the consequent destitution of the poor ; and, having called on the secretary " for the passion of Christ, to take the fear of God and a bold stomach, to speak herein for redress ", thus concludes his epistle : — " May it please you to be so good, as to desire a license of the king's majesty, for me to eat flesh upon the fish days. Doubtless, my stomach is not as it has been. In case it were, I could better eat fish than flesh : but I think it past for this life. There is also here a wise and sober man, one of the elder men of the town, a good and necessary subject for this little common wealth here (Gloucester), called John Sanford, that is a weak and sickly man, desired me also to be a suitor to you for him in this case : and doubtless we will so use the king's authority, as none, I trust, shall take occasion for liberty and contempt of laws by us". Tytler, i. 365, 366. — 71.]
1 [The arrest, however, of Somerset, in the following October, seems to have revived the hopes of those, who were still attached to the " old learning ", and to have induced them to look for the restoration of the ancient liturgy of the church. To dispel the illusion, Edward, at the suggestion of the council, addressed a letter to the bishops, informing them of the expectation that was abroad, and requiring them to see that all books, containing any portion of the ancient service, were forthwith delivered up and destroyed ( Wilkins, iv. 37, 38. See page 19, ante). But this measure was soon discovered to be unavailing. The bishops were unwilling to enforce, the clergy to obey, the royal mandate; and a bill, therefore, was soon after passed, by which it was enacted, that any person refusing to surrender, or any archbishop, bishop, or other officer, neglect ing to destroy, such books, should suffer fine or imprisonment, as the case might be. The act will be found in the Appendix, No. XII. — 71.]
VOL. II. D
34 EDWARD VI. [PART n.
To this purpose, a kind of committee of divines, 2 under Cranmer's direction, were ordered to draw up a certain number of articles ; for, as yet, the tenets of the old and new religion were so blended together, that they made one confused chaos ; and though, out wardly, men seemed to be under the same regulation, they were, inwardly, under a continual distraction, every one being at liberty to carve out a creed for himself : so that it is a difficult matter to determine of what persua sion the generality of the people either lived, or died, in those struggling times of the reformation. When the commissioners had gone through their work, they pre sented the nation with a system of reformed doctrine, containing forty-two articles ; and it was expected, that all, that were members of the reformation, should sub mit to them, as soon as they had the approbation of the king and council, which they readily obtained. " It is not altogether improbable," says Dr. Heylin, " but that these articles, being debated, and agreed upon by the said committee, might also pass the vote of the whole convocation, though we find nothing to that purpose in the acts thereof, which either have been lost, or were never registered. Besides, it is to be observed, that the church of England, for the first five years of queen Eli zabeth, retained these articles, and no others, as the public tenets of the church, in point of doctrine ; which certainly she had not done, had they been commended to her by a less authority than a convocation."1 How ever, it is certain they never had a parliamentary estab lishment, and came forth only by royal authority, as they were forged by the committee.2 Some dif ference is observable, between these forty-two articles
1 Heylin, 122. [Burnet, however, has shewn that they were never submitted to the convocation (iii. 210—212). In Wilkins, they are called " Articuli, de quibus in Synodo Londinensi, anno Domini MDLII., ad tollendam opinionum dissentionem, et consensum verae religionis firmandum, inter episcopos et alios eruditos viros convenerat, regia auctoritate in lucem editi " (iv. 73). The articles, with the several points, wherein they differed from those adopted in the reign of Elizabeth, may be seen in Burnet, ii. Rec. 190 — 200; Collier, ii. Rec. 75—80; and Heylin, 351 to the end.— TV)
3 Strype's Cranmer, 272, 293; Heylin, 121.
ART. iv.] A NEW LITURGY, ETC. 35
and the thirty-nine articles of queen Elizabeth, which has occasioned some contest among the reformers. I may, perhaps, have an opportunity of taking notice of this matter, in the course of this history. In the mean time, I will proceed, and give an account of some other advances made by these reformers.
Besides this regulation, as to doctrine, several things were still wanting, as to discipline. For the church being now swallowed up by the state, and the canon law, built upon the decrees of popes and councils, being rendered insignificant, by the nation's withdrawing itself from the usual jurisdiction, it was requisite that some sort of ecclesiastical laws should be established, that would answer the purposes of the reformation. This was thought of, from the beginning of England's defec tion from the see of Rome, and the embryo of a design was prepared in Henry VIII.'s reign ; but that prince's death, and some difficulties that arose in the execution, retarded the project. Those that were of Erastian principles judged, the civil magistracy was qualified to make such a provision, and that it was making back ward steps in the reformation, to allow a national church a power of making laws, which they refused to a church of nations. However, the bishops and clergy were un willing to appear insignificant upon this occasion ; and, therefore, the matter was so compromised, that a certain number of their body, jointly with some L learned men of the laity, should compile a collection of laws, for the use of the church ; and it was to be per formed according to the scheme laid in Henry VIII.'s reign, when it was decreed, by act of parliament, that thirty-two commissioners, one half to be ecclesiastics, the other half laymen, were to finish the said work in three years, and, the mean while, church affairs were to be managed by occasional laws.1 The wording of these
1 Stat. 3 and 4 Ed. VI. c. 1 1 . [The commission was issued on the 1 Oth of Feb ruary, 1550, to the archbishop of Canterbury; the bishops of London, Ely, Winchester, Exeter, Bath, Gloucester, and Rochester; the divines, Taylor of Lincoln, Tyler of Hadley, Cox, almoner to the king, Sir John Cheek, Sir An thony Cook, Peter Martyr, John Alasco, and Parker of Cambridge ; the civilians,
D 2
36 EDWARD VI. [PART n.
constitutions was left to a sub-committee of eight per sons, viz. Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Goodrick, bishop of Ely, Dr. Cox, the king's almoner, Peter Martyr, Dr. William May, Dr. Rowland Taylor ; to these were joined two laymen, John Lucas, and Richard Goodrick, esquires. And then the polishing of the work was committed to two polite writers, sir John Cheek and Dr. Haddon. The entire collection was 2 completed, anno 1 552, under fifty-one titles, besides an appendix " De Regulis Juris." It was called tf Refor- matio Legum Ecclesiasticarum." King Edward VI. hap pening to die soon after, this notable scheme was knocked on the head, being never confirmed, either by parliament or convocation ; and the reformers, at this day, are at a loss for some such sort of a provision, as it appears by the awkward and blundering proceedings of their spiritual courts, where they want standing laws for their direction. I remit the reader to the book itself, if he is curious to be informed of particulars, and shall only mention a few of the articles, which, perhaps, will not be according to the taste of every reformer. For instance, by the third article, apostates, and such as opposed Christianity in general, were to forfeit both life and estate. The eighth article annulled marriages, made without the consent of parents, or guardians. In the ninth article, the Levitical degrees were explained with remarkable severity. The tenth article allows of marriage after a divorce, in the case of adultery ; espe cially, the party injured has this liberty ; the woman, an adulteress, forfeits her jointure ; the husband, an adul terer, is to return his wife's portion, and part with one- half of his substance ; and both parties, being guilty, are either to be imprisoned for life, or banished. Mar riage might be annulled, in all cases where the parties were allowed to separate as to bed and board, viz. in attempts of poisoning, implacable hatred, &c. The
secretary Petre, secretary Cecil, Traherne, Read, Coke, May, and Skinner ; and the lawyers, Justice Bromley, Justice Hales, Gosnald, Goodrick, Stamford, Caril, Lucas, and Gaudy (Edward's Journal, 42). There was, probably, another civilian, whose name has been omitted by the king. — T.~\
ART. iv.] A NEW LITURGY, ETC. 37
twenty-fifth article debars heretics from making wills. Also, those under sentence of death, perpetual banish ment, perpetual imprisonment, strumpets, pandars, li bellers, and usurers, are declared to be under the same disability.1
Another thing, the reformers went upon, was the ordination of their new ministry. During the first and second year of Edward VI., it does not appear that any alteration had been made in the ancient ordinal, or Roman pontifical, excepting the oath of obedience to the bishop of Rome, which had been omitted ever since king Henry VIII. assumed the spiritual supremacy. It was judged convenient, therefore, to set forth a new ordinal, and an act of parliament passed to that purpose, January 31, 1550. The book was drawn up by six bishops, and six others, learned in the canon law ; but the bishops of Worcester, Durham, Carlisle, West minster, and Chichester, dissenting from the bill, and not concurring in other matters relating to the reforma tion, were, soon after, deprived.2 When this ordinal
1 [See the " Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticamm ", published by archbishop Parker, in 1571. An abstract of its contents is given in Collier (ii. 326 — 332). I may add to what is mentioned in the text, that the third article treats of Heresy, and of the process to be adopted against heretics. If they repented and abjured their errors, within sixteen days, they might be absolved, on giving proofs of their sincerity : but if they remained obstinate in their opinions, and bade defiance to the censures of the church, they were then to be delivered to the secular magistrate, to suffer death according to the law. Of excommunica tion it pronounces, that it belongs to the power of the keys, granted by Christ to his church. Its object is, to repress those greater crimes, which strike at the root of morality and religion: its effect, to cut off the offender from the society of the faithful, to deprive him of the expectation of happiness and of the pro tection of Providence, and to consign him to everlasting punishment and the tyranny of the devil. — The commission to the eight persons, forming the sub committee, is in Wilkins (iv. 69). See also Dr. Lingard's reply to Sir James Macintosh, on the nature of the punishment, awarded by these laws to the obstinate heretic (Hist, of Eng. vii. 188, note). Burnet's misrepresentation on this subject, was long since exposed by Collier, ii. 326. — TJ]
2 [" Forasmuch as, concord and unity to be had within the king's majesty's dominions, it is requisite to have one uniform fashion and manner of making and consecrating of bishops, priests, deacons, or ministers of the church, be it therefore enacted by the king's highness, with the assent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons in this present parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that such form and manner of making and consecrat ing of bishops, priests, deacons, and other ministers of the church, as by six prelates, and six other men of this realm, learned in God's law, by the king's majesty to be appointed and assigned, or by the most number of them, shall be
38 EDWARD VI. [PART 11.
was examined, in the next ensuing reign of queen Mary, it was declared to be insufficient, and invalid, as to the purposes of consecrating a true ministry, both the bishops and parliament being of that opinion. The reasons, in general, of its insufficiency, were an essential defect, both as to the matter and form of the episcopal and sacerdotal orders. There was no anointing, a ceremony always made use of from the earliest times, without which ordination was doubted, and, according to the common opinion, invalid. There was no porrection of instruments, another significative ceremony, generally esteemed to be essential. But, what was still of the greatest moment, there was no form of words specifying the order that was conferred, and particularly, no words, or ceremony made use of, to express the power of ab solving, or offering sacrifice. For these, and several other reasons, which I have distinctly mentioned in another place, all the orders conferred, according to this new ordinal, were looked upon by the catholics, in queen Mary's reign, to be null and invalid. The authority of the ordinal being previously established by act of par liament, it was afterwards confirmed by another act, anno 1552, whereby the common prayer lately revised received its approbation.1
I will conclude this article with a word or two, con cerning certain homilies which were ordered to be read publicly in all the churches. They were first designed to serve instead of sermons, as it wzas pretended, to hinder preachers from running into unseasonable ex cursions, and exasperating the opposite party. The first part of the book of homilies was composed in Edward VI. 's reign, and contained twelve lessons ; the second part contained twenty-one lessons, and was not pub- devised for that purpose, and set forth under the great seal of England, before the first day of April next coming, shall, by virtue of this present act, be law fully exercised and used, and none other, any statute, or law, or usage, to the contrary, in any wise notwithstanding" (Stat. 3 and 4 Ed. VI. c. 12). It Avas read three times on the same day (Jan. 31, 1550), and passed, with no other opposition, than that of the prelates mentioned in the text (Lords' Journals, i. 387). — The deprivation of the bishops of Carlisle and Westminster is a mistake.— T.]
1 See Appendix, No. XIII.
ART. iv.] A NEW LITURGY, ETC. 39
lished till queen Elizabeth's reign.1 Several divines of the church of England do not look upon them as a standard of their doctrine ; first, because they were com posed by unknown persons ; and again, they cannot allow of certain assertions advanced by the authors, viz. the demolishing of images, fixing idolatry upon the church of Rome, and the doctrine of passive obedience to the civil government. " And therefore," says Fuller, " such use these homilies as an upper garment, girting them close unto, and casting them from them, at plea sure."2 Others among the reformers insist upon the orthodoxy of these homilies ; and, to this purpose, allege the thirty-fifth article of the church of England, which declares, that the books of homilies do contain a godly and wholesome doctrine. Now, whether this expression does extend to all, or only to part, of those homilies, is left to the reader's judgment. I will proceed to give an account, what share foreigners had in the reformation, under Edward VI.
1 [The twelve Homilies, published in this reign, form what is called the first book. They treat respectively of the Scriptures, of the misery of sin, of salva tion through Christ, of faith, good works, and charity, of swearing and apostacy, of the fear of death, of obedience to the civil magistrate, of adultery, and of con tention in matters of religion. Those published under the authority of Eliza beth are comprised in the second book ; and are described in the thirty-fifth article of the church of England. Edward's Homilies have already been men tioned in page 6 of this volume. — 71.]
2 Lib. ix. 75.
40 EDWARD VI. [PART n.
ARTICLE V.
FOREIGNERS CALLED OVER. — DISPUTATION AT OXFORD — FOXE's DISHONESTY —
DISPUTATIONS AT CAMBRIDGE THE COMMON-PRAYER BOOK REVISED —
BUCER'S OPINIONS.
THE controversy in the late reign, concerning the divorce, having brought Cranmer, and our English re formers, acquainted with several foreign divines that had embraced Lutheranism, the protector was persuaded to invite them over ; and immediately three learned men were sent for, viz. Peter Martyr, Martin Bucer, and Paulus Fagius, all of them expert men in re forming; and, though designed chiefly to model the studies of the two universities, which were in a very languishing condition, yet they happened to busy them selves more than some desired, and laid the plan of a reformation, according to the Zuinglian and Calviriisti- cal taste, and, in many respects, proved successful. Peter Martyr was placed in Oxford, the other two in Cam bridge.1 Peter Martyr was immediately made a canon of Christ-church ; " with him also settled his beloved wife Catharine, as the wife of Dr. Richard Cox did, about the same time, with him, in the dean's lodgings ; being the first women, as it was observed, that resided in any college, or hall in Oxford : by whose example, it was not only permitted, that any canon besides might marry, if he pleased, but also a head of a college, or hall ; whereby other women, or idle huswives, were tolerated (if the said head allowed it) to serve in them. Which act (beside their permitting of bawling children to come among them) was looked upon as such a dam nable matter by the catholics, and others too, that they
1 [Strype's Cranmer, 1 96, 1 97. Besides these, Utenhoffe and Pierre Alexandre were stationed at Canterbury, Tremelio and Cavalier read Hebrew lectures at Cambridge, Angelo Florio, Valerandus Polanus, and John a Lasco were preachers in London and Glastonbury. Ibid, and Lingard, vii. 74, 75. — TV)
ART. v.] FOREIGNERS CALLED OVER. 41
usually styled them concubines."1 At Peter Martyr's arrival in Oxford, the reformers were hugely encouraged,, by the fame of his learning, and controversial abilities. There was, at that time, a noted divine in Oxford, Dr. Richard Smith, who was judged to be a fit match for him, in all respects, and who immediately offered to engage Peter Martyr in a public disputation ;2 which Martyr, at first, declined, pretending he could not accept of such an engagement, without leave from the court ; which being afterwards obtained, Dr. Smith, suspecting he should be overawed by the managers, and not allowed to speak with that freedom he desired, made a demur in his turn.3 However, soon after, a conference was agreed upon, wherein Dr. Tresham, and others, under took Peter Martyr. The subject of the conference was Christ's presence in the blessed sacrament : " but on which side the victory lay is hard to determine, unless the conference was extant. The Oxford historian ob serves, that Tresham, Smith, Chedsey, and Morgan (who encountered with Peter Martyr) were all extraordinary men. And here he laments the mismanagement of some of the reformed divines of this university: that they went the last lengths of indiscretion and scandal ; that both in their sermons and at disputations, they treated the holy mysteries in a very unbecoming manner ; and thus the common people were encouraged to make a jest of the most solemn part of religion/'4 Several letters
1 Wood, Athen. Oxon. i. 139. See also Persons, Three Conversions, iii. 349 — 354.
2 [Smith had been king's professor of divinity in the university, but had been compelled to resign, in the preceding year. Martyr succeeded him. Athen. Oxon. 139, 143; Strype, ii. 39.— T.]
3 [Smith had met Martyr, had arranged the form and terms of the disputation, and was only waiting for the arrival of the day, named by the privy council for the commencement of the discussion, when " sive alia de causa, sive quod liberam non fore disputation em, quia a magistratibus quos dixi suffulciendos iri reformatos, pra)sentiret, clam se, ut aliqui ferunt, ante diem prsestitutum proripuit" (Wood, Hist. Oxon. 267). It is not unlikely that the appointment of Cox, who, with Holbein, bishop of Lincoln, Heynes, dean of Exeter, and some others, was sent down from the court to act as moderator, was an addi tional reason in the mind of Smith for anticipating an unfair decision. Sanders, in fact, who was present, says that Martyr ventured not to accept the challenge, until he was assured that Cox would preside. De Schism. 1. ii. 265. — 71]
4 Collier, ii. 273. [Wood's words are much stronger than Collier here repre-
42 EDWARD VI. [PART n.
passed between Bucer and Peter Martyr, concerning this conference. Bucer was not pleased with Martyr's way of arguing ; for, instead of denying only a local presence, he seemed to reject a real presence ; which, Bucer pretends, was going too far. This conference, which began May 28, 1549, was variously reported by the two parties ; especially Dr. Tresham, in the preface of his account, taxes his adversaries with many notorious misrepresentations, and complains, that Martyr, during the conference, wearied the assembly with tedious quo tations from the fathers, merely out of ostentation.1
sents them. " Id unice addam", says he, " de eucharistia, sive in concionibus, sive in disputationibus, sive denique in coloquiis familiaribus, disserentes, theo- logos nonnullos reformatos indignis adeo modis sacra mysteria tractasse, ac si non tantum non adoranda, verum ludibrio et contemptui habenda decreverint; qua ratione currentem, quod aiunt, populum incitabant : nil enim solemnius jam erat, quam ut ludis, cantilenis, profanis denique et ludicris vulgi sermonibus materiam proeberent sacra? Synaxeos symbola". Hist. Oxon. 268. — T.~\
1 [The substance of Bucer's and Martyr's letters is given by Collier, ii. 273, 274. Tresham's prefatory letter to the council is in Strype's Cranmer, Append. 121. See also Wood, Hist. Oxon. 267, 268.— The points, discussed on this occasion, were three : 1 . Whether, in the sacrament of the eucharist, there was any transubstantiation of the bread and wine into the body and blood of Christ : 2. Whether the body and blood of Christ were carnally or corporally present under the appearances of bread and wine : 3. Whether the body and blood of Christ were sacramentally united with the bread and wine. Of course, the first and second were denied, the third asserted, by Martyr and his friends. The reformer's arguments are detailed by Foxe (ii. lib. ix. 100 — 103), in a tone of triumph not unusual with that writer : but of the replies of his opponents not a word is said. These are carefully suppressed ; nor is it known that any record of them has been preserved. Father Persons, however, in his " Review of Ten Disputations " (c. ii. et seq. p. 89 — 370), has abundantly supplied their loss : while Sanders assures us that Martyr was so pressed by the catholic disputants, and so ridiculed by the auditory, that Cox, to relieve him from the disgrace of open defeat, pretended to be unexpectedly summoned to London, and suddenly dissolved the meeting (De Schism. 1. ii. 266). Perhaps it will be thought to offer some confirmation of this statement, that, of the three questions entered for discussion, Foxe recites the arguments only on the first and second, and, break ing off suddenly, leaves the third wholly unnoticed.
Besides this disputation, three others followed, during the next month. They were held at Cambridge ; they turned on the same subject as their predecessor at Oxford ; and, like that, were chiefly remarkable for the pertinacity with which the reformers insisted on discussing the manner, before they had decided the fact, of Christ's corporal presence in the sacrament. At the close of the argu ments, Ridley, who had presided on each occasion, delivered his decision. Of the real presence he said nothing : but he pronounced against the sacrifice of the altar; and he condemned transubstantiation on five distinct grounds : — " the authority, majesty, and verity of holy Scripture ; the most certain testimonies of the ancient catholic fathers ; the definition of a sacrament ; the abominable heresy of Eutiches, that might ensue of transubstantiation ; and the most sure belief of the article of our faith, ' He ascended into heaven' " (Foxe, ii. 1. ix. 120).
ART. v.] FOREIGNERS CALLED OVER. 43
While these disputes were carried on, between the reformers and the catholic party., Calvin kept a contin ual correspondence with the foreigners employed in England. " He first began to quarrel with some pas sages in the sacred liturgy, and,, afterwards, never left soliciting the lord protector, and practising, by his agents, on the court, the country, and the universities, till he had laid the first foundation of the Zuinglian faction."1 Both Calvin, Bucer, and Peter Martyr had many things to allege against the new liturgy, as well in general, as in particular. By letters to archbishop Cranmer, Calvin " certifies him, that, in the service of this church, as then it stood, there remained a whole mass of popery, which did not only darken, but destroy God's holy worship."2 And, in particular, the aforesaid foreigners inveigh bitterly against prayer for the dead, invocation of angels, and other practices and ceremonies allowed of by the liturgy. The opinion the king had of these foreign reformers, with the impression they had made upon the people, by their clamorous exceptions against the common prayer, at length obliged the ministry to have it revised and purged ; and the king was so bent upon it, that, as sir John Cheek assured Peter Martyr, had not the bishops, and other ecclesias tics concerned, yielded to Calvin's remonstrances, he
" There ", says Persons, in a passage powerfully illustrative of his peculiar manner, " these be maister Ridleye's five bulwarks, or castles of defence builded in the ayre, which he handleth so fondly and childishely, as, after, yow shall see in the particular examinations of his arguments. Only heere I will say in general], that the reader shall find his authority, majestic, and verity of scrip tures against tran substantiation, to be a meere vaunt and vanity ; for he hath no one cleere or substantiall place at all. And as for his certayne testimonyes of the ancient fathers, they will prove so uncertain^ for his purpose, as yow shall see them most certaynely against him. His third c&stle, of the definition of a sacrament, will prove a cottage of no strength at all ; For that the true nature of a sacrament standeth well with transubstantiation. His fourth head-springe (he had called them " grounds, or rather head-springs "), about the heresie of Eutiches, will prove a puddle, and himselfe puzzeled therin; for that the heresie of Eutiches, confoundinge two distinct natures in Christ, hath no more coherence with transubstantiation, then Rochester with Rome. And finally, his last ground, about the article of Christ's ascendinge into heaven, hath no ground to rest on, but is a meere imagination in the ayre, to witt, that, for so much as Christ ascended into heaven, ergo, there is no transubstantiation ". Review, c. i. s. 25. p. 57, 58.— 71.]
1 Heylin, To the Reader, iii. 2 Heylin, 107. See also pp. 79, 80.
44 EDWARD VI. [PART n.
had taken a resolution, that the secular power should manage the affair, and see it executed.1 It is not known who were the persons employed in this work, since nothing can be met with, either as to their names, or manner of proceeding, either in the acts of convocation, or any other record ; only that the following alterations, which reduced the book nearly to its present form, were made. The unction, exorcism, and use of the white garment in baptism, the anointing of the sick, and the sign of the cross in confirmation and matrimony were abolished : the form of absolution was changed ; the commandments were introduced into the communion service ; and all traces of prayer for the souls of the departed were removed. The cross, also, in the prayer of consecration was omitted : an order was introduced for kneeling at communion, with a rubric, however, annexed, signifying that it was not for adoration, but only for decency ; and, in place of the words, used at the delivery of the elements, " The body of our Lord Jesus Christ^ which was given for thee, preserve thy body and soul unto everlasting life" and, " The blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was shed for thee, preserve thy body and soul unto everlasting life," was substituted the more approved form of, " Take and eat this, in remembrance that Christ died for thee, and feed on him in thy heart, by faith with thanksgiving," and, ' ' Drink this in remembrance, Christ's blood was shed for thee, and be thankful"2 It is Dr. Heylin's opinion, that these alterations were never agreed to in
1 Strype's Cranmer, Append. 154. [As a preparatory step, Ales, or Alesius, a Scottish divine, was employed to produce a Latin translation of the book. In this form, its contents were submitted, first to Bucer, and afterwards to Peter Martyr : the suggestions of the former were approved and enforced by the latter ; and a committee of divines was appointed to receive their report, and remodel the book in conformity with their views (Heylin, 79; Strype's Cranmer, 210, 252, Append. 154 ; Burnet, ii. 147). The substance of Bucer's animadversions may be seen in Collier, ii. 296—304. — 71]
2 Collier, ii. 310. Kneeling at communion was not ordered, in the next re vision of the liturgy, in queen Elizabeth's reign; yet, under king Charles II., the ceremony was restored again (ibid.). [Collier, who is here cited, is, on the subject of Elizabeth's liturgy, at variance both with himself and with the fact. In a subsequent page (430) he says correctly, that, though the divines who re vised the liturgy, in 1559, left the posture for receiving the sacrament to the option of the communicant, yet the parliament, in conformity with " the rubric of
ART. v.] FOREIGNERS CALLED OVER. 45
convocation, which, as far as we can learn from records, had no power in this reign, if they ever sat at all ; the whole affair of the gospel and reformation being man aged by a number of picked men, under the direction of the protector and archbishop Cranmer. However, in 1552, the new common prayer was established by act of parliament, together with a new ordinal ; but the act wras not to commence till All-saints day following ; so that there was three quarters of a year allowed to use the old liturgy.1 Mr. Collier observes, that " the first common prayer book, authorized by a parliament in the second and third years of this reign, is called ca very godly order, agreeable to the word of God, and the primitive church, very comfortable to all good people desiring to live in Christian conversation, and most pro fitable for the estate of this realm.' Thus Bucer's and Calvin's animadversions are, in effect, declared frivolous, and of no weight."2 Upon these considerations, several eminent divines of the church of England have still fol lowed the old liturgy, or common prayer, as to all those doctrinal points left out in the late purgation ; and, if I am not misinformed, have attempted to make use of it in their little assemblies. The first time their new common prayer was read, was in St. Paul's church, by bishop Ridley, on All-saints day, 1552. Afterwards, the bishops began to lay aside their copes, crosses, &c. ; the prebendaries also threw away their hoods, but re tained their surplices ; with many other alterations of the same kind.
Among all the foreign divines, Martin Bucer was chiefly attended to, not only upon account of his learn ing, but because he was a man of temper. What his thoughts were, concerning the present management of church affairs, may be gathered from a book he pub lished, intitled, " De Regno Christi," in which he appears to have projected a reformation according to his own taste. In this book, he calls tenths and first-fruits a
the old book restrained it to kneeling" (see also Strype, Annal. i. 83). I should add, that, by Elizabeth, the two forms, mentioned in the text, were united : they are still used as one, in the administration of the sacrament. — T.~\
1 See Appendix, No. XIII. 2 Collier, ii. 320.
46 EDWARD VI. [PART n.
sacrilegious encroachment of the church of Rome ; and exhorts the young king to quit his hands of them. He tells him, his ancestors maintained their conquests abroad, and yet, without these acquisitions, found means to endow churches and hospitals at home ; but, now they had seized upon church-lands, the kingdom was reduced to beggary : they were driven from their ancient conquests ; not an acre of church-land left to bestow upon a favourite ; but, on the contrary, the clergy were so pillaged, upon every public occasion, that they were able to bleed no longer. He goes on in his scheme, and pleads for the marriage of cousin-germans, as also for marriage after divorce, upon account of adultery ; with several other such like pieces of casuistry. Again, he is for having adultery punished with death, and all strolling persons excommunicated. Then, his zeal breaking out of his proper sphere, he is for reforming fashions, as well as faith and manners. For this pur pose, he would have merchants tied out from importing trifles, or any thing that tended towards the encourage ment of vanity, or superfluous dress ; and, to put the church and state upon the same foot, he was for having all the laws of the nation only in English. In fine, he was for reviving the Mosaic dispensation, so far as to make even blasphemy, breaking of the sabbath, and disobedience to parents, capital crimes. " This book of The Kingdom of Christ was dedicated to the king, and presented for a new-year's gift. The young prince, it seems, was pleased with the performance ; began to draw a plan from some part of it, and project a reform ation of the government."1 This was the state of the reformation, during Edward VI.'s reign. The whole carried on by a rapacious ministry; the king, in a man ner, a child, and unexperienced, though the head of the church ; the convocation silenced ; the inferior clergy giving into any scheme, to secure a livelihood ; the whole nation in the utmost distraction, in point of be lief; and daily imposed upon by a few renegado friars, who had usurped the title of reformers.
1 Collier, ii. 303. [He gives an abstract of the work.— T.]
ART. vi.] CHARACTER OF EDWARD. 47
ARTICLE VI.
CHARACTER OF EDWARD. HIS ABILITIES HIS RELIGIOUS OPINIONS HIS
INTOLERANCE — HIS SETTLEMENT OF THE CROWN ON THE LADY JANE GREY — HIS DEATH.
PITY and praise, though commonly bestowed upon the unfortunate, yet are a token of merit, and of the sub ject's deserving a better fate. This seems to have been the case of king Edward VI., whom, though qualified, by nature, to have been a subject of panegyric, the cir cumstances of his life rendered an object of most men's pity ; and, had not his minority, and a disadvantageous education, been some abatement to the miscarriages of his short reign, he might have deserved a much worse character than what is commonly given him. Though the hasty marriage of king Henry VIII. with Jane Sey mour, his mother (the very day after queen Ann was beheaded), was no good omen, yet the issue of it ought not to be chargeable with the consequences of so rash a proceeding. He was born, or rather hurried into the world, October 12, 1537; for, as some of our historians take notice, the mother was ripped open to save the child, or, at least, was so abused, that she lost her life. The feeble prince was nursed up with great care, till February 20, 1547, when he was crowned, upon the decease of his father, being little more than nine years of age. If several historians (who are but too apt to flatter persons in high stations) may be credited, this king was a prodigy as to all natural qualifications, and improved himself so much, under his tutors, as to be master of the Greek, Latin, French, Spanish, and Italian languages, at an age when others could not be judged capable of expressing themselves in their mother tongue. But then, when they describe him to have been a nice observer of politics, and a collector of the best maxims for government, and not only this, but a proper judge
48 EDWARD VI. [PART n.
of the doctrine and discipline of the church ; and shew us his private thoughts and determinations upon these matters, when he was scarce fifteen years of age^ the account they give is very surprising ; and it is altogether incredible, that a weak sickly youth could ever attain to such high matters. However, it is generally agreed, he was a very extraordinary person, and, with the ad vantage of years and experience, might one day have been the man they made him.
As to the management of affairs during his reign, the king had the name, but the ministry were the sole con trivers. There had been a design, and a kind of agree ment^ in the late reign, between Scotland and England, wherein it was proposed, that prince Edward and the young queen of Scotland should be married, or con tracted. This treaty was set a-foot by those that fa voured the reformation, hoping hereby to draw in the Scots, who, as yet, adhered firmly to the see of Rome ; and, for this and some other politic reasons, Scotland refused to ratify the treaty. King Henry VIII. had already begun to call the Scots to an account for this affront:1 the present ministry under Edward VI. pur sued the charge ; and, ordering a powerful army to march towards Scotland, a remarkable victory was gained at Musselburgh, by the English, and several strong places taken. However, this did not bring the Scots to a compliance. They soon recovered their losses, and were assisted by the French, who gave the English a diversion in Picardy, taking from them Boulogne, arid other dependencies ; so as to leave nothing of the an cient conquests, excepting Calais, and a small territory belonging to it.2 In the mean time, great disputes hap pened among king Kdward's ministry, which proved fatal to some of the great ones. Thomas Seymour, lord admiral, the protector's brother, was accused of trea sonable practices, and beheaded. The protector, Ed ward Seymour, soon after, came to the same end, by
1 [See vol. i. 314, of this history.— T.]
2 Lingard, vii. 13—16, 38—42, 49, 57—60.
ART. vi.] CHARACTER OF EDWARD. 49
the contrivance of Dudley, duke of Northumberland, who, by this means, became master of the king, and of all his affairs.
If any judgment can be formed of Edward VI. 's reli gion (which is a difficult matter, considering the unset tled state of church affairs, during his reign), he was not only a reformer, but so bigotted in that way, that he appeared wholly taken up with the project. It is true, he seemed not inclined to shed blood on that account ; and, therefore, no sanguinary, but only penal, laws were executed upon such as stood off:1 but then he is repre sented as scrupulous, to a great degree, and would not suffer his sister, princess Mary, to serve God in her own way, though she had a promise of it, at the emperor's intercession. Nay, so stiff he was in his purpose, that his divines could not persuade him, that such a tolera tion was allowable, or the promise binding.2 Had his tutors taken care to have informed him of the faith of his noble ancestors, for near a thousand years, had not this pretended zeal for the reformation been downright childishness, ignorance, and bigotry, he might easily have overcome his scruple, in tolerating a practice which all the Christian world agreed in. On the other hand, that he was either ill principled, or, at least, his zeal u der a wrong influence, is manifest, from many un justifiable methods, during his whole reign, which are taken notice of by most of the reformed historians. They tell us, that all things were managed by a rapa cious ministry, who stripped the church of all its ancient rights, upon a pretence of banishing superstition ; and that the king, to his dying day, continued signing every order, without thought or reflection, and that his last hours were employed in subverting the esta blished laws of the nation, and altering the succession
1 [If by " such as stood off" Dodd means only the professors of the ancient creed, he is right : hut the burning's of Bocher and Von Paris will shew that, in other instances, even Edward's unwillingness to shed blood might be subdued by the zeal and the importunities of such a prelate as Cranmer. — T.~\
2 [The particulars of this part of Edward's history will be given in the fol lowing reign. — 71.]
VOL. II. E
50 EDWARD VI. [PART n.
in favour of the ambitious duke of Northumberland, who continually buzzed in his majesty's ear, that if the crown devolved upon princess Mary, according as it had been settled in the late reign, the noble project of the reformation would fall to nothing ; that there was the same danger apprehended, if it should come into the Scottish line ; adding, that both princess Mary and princess Elizabeth were declared illegitimate, by act of parliament : and then he craftily suggested his own ambitious designs, of having the crown settled upon lady Jane Grey, of the house of Suffolk, to whom he had married his son lord Dudley. This, he said, would be a means of establishing the reformation, both the parties being zealous in carrying it on.1 The king being educated with an utter aversion to the old religion, and both his want of experience, and corporal infirmities, having hindered him from penetrating into the duke's designs, gave into the project. When the case came to be debated in council, several of the nobility shewed a dislike to the proposal. But, at last, being overcome by the duke's arguments, or rather by the apprehension they had of his power, and revengeful temper, submitted to him : so that the whole privy council, being thirty- three (excepting sir James Hales), agreed to settle the crown upon lady Jane Grey, and an instrument, drawn up to that purpose, was signed by the king. ' Some pains (as it is reported) was taken to bring over archbishop Cranmer, who pretended to be scrupu lous in breaking into king Henry VIII. 's will and settle ment of the crown : but, as he had often concurred to break into the will before, and was as active as any of the rest, in opposing queen Mary's title, I cannot think he could entertain any real scruple, on that score, and that he is very much obliged to his friends, for making that apology in his favour.2 After this stratagem was completed, in order to secure the reformation, king Ed ward died, July 6, 1553, leaving the kingdom in ak*-nd of equilibrium, as to religion, which the ensuing reign easily turned in favour of the ancient belief.
1 Godwin, 103; Hayward, [325], [326].
2 Strype's Cranmer, Append. 163, 164, 169; Fuller, 1. viii. 1—6.
51 )
PART III.— MARY.
ARTICLE I.
LADY JANE GREY's ATTEMPT THE LADY JANE PROCLAIMED CORRESPON DENCE BETWEEN MARY AND THE COUNCIL — RIDLEY PREACHES AGAINST
HER HER FRIENDS IN ARMS — SHE IS PROCLAIMED — NORTHUMBERLAND
AND OTHERS EXECUTED MARY'S PROMISE TO THE NORFOLK AND SUFFOLK
MEN.
KING Edward VI. dying on the sixth of July,, 1553, the duke of Northumberland immediately procured Jane Grey, of the house of Suffolk, to be proclaimed queen, the greatest part of the privy-council concurring JULY with him ; though more out of fear, than real aifec- 10- tion for the cause. In the mean time, princess Mary (who was retired into Norfolk, upon an intimation, that she was to be seized, by Northumberland)1 writes to the lords of the council, and asserts her claim ; which they did not allow of, as appears by a common letter, sub scribed by archbishop Cranmer; the bishop of Ely, lord chancellor ; the dukes of Suffolk and Northumberland ; the marquesses of Winchester and Northampton ; the earls of Arundel, Shrewsbury, Huntingdon, Bedford, and Pembroke ; the lords Cobham, Darcy, and Rich ; sir Thomas Cheney, sir Robert Cotton, sir John Gates, sir William Petre, sir William Cecil, sir John Cheek, sir John Mason, sir Edward North, and sir Edward Bowes.2
1 [This intimation was conveyed in a letter, written by the earl of Arundel, on the evening of Edward's decease. It found Mary at Hoddesdon, in Hert fordshire, and, having apprized her of her brother's death, informed her that the event was still concealed, for the purpose of " entrapping her before she knew of it ". Burnett, ii. 21 5.— TV]
3 See Appendix, No. XIV.
E 2
52 MARY. [PART in.
Soon after, the duke of Northumberland raised an army of 8000 men, which was to assemble at Newmarket ; and, as the design was visibly to support the interest of the reformation, no less than lady Jane's pretended title, Ridley, bishop of London, made a sermon in defence of the undertaking.1 On the other hand, princess Mary had gathered together a considerable body of men, under the conduct of Ratcliff, earl of Sussex, the earl of Bath, sir Thomas Wharton, son of lord Wharton, sir John Mordaunt, son of lord Mordaunt, sir William Drury,
1 [Burnet, ii. 219, 220. Ridley, in his sermon, denounced the claims hoth of Mary and Elizabeth ; spoke of the intolerant creed and foreign connexions of the former ; and, having pointed out the dangers to be apprehended from the succession of a papist, concluded by conjuring the people to uphold the Gospel, and support the title of the lady Jane. As a proof of Mary's bigotted adherence to the ancient faith, he detailed the following interesting particulars of an inter view between himself and that princess, only a few months before.
It was on the eighth of September, in the preceding year, that he had visited Mary at Hunsden, for the purpose, as he assured her, of" doing his duty to her grace ". He was received with affability and kindness, was recognised by the princess as one of her father's chaplains, and, after a short and " pleasant " con versation, was requested to remain and " dine with her officers ". After dinner, he was again admitted to her presence, and, having informed her that one ob ject of his visit was still to be performed, offered, " if it might please her", to preach before her on the following Sunday. Mary replied, by desiring him to make the answer himself. He repeated the offer, as " the duty of his office and calling": she pointed to the parish church, and told him that its doors would be open, that he might preach, if he would, but that neither she nor hers would hear him.
Ridley. " Madam, I trust you will not refuse God's word".
Mary. " I cannot tell what ye call God's word. That is not God's word now, that was God's word, in my father's days ".
Ridley. " God's word is all one, in all times ; but hath been better under stood and practised, in some ages than in others ".
Mary. " You durst not, for your ears, have avouched that for God's word, in my father's days, that now you do. And as for your new books, I thank God I never read any of them, nor ever will do ".
She then attacked the religious innovations introduced by the government; declared that she was not bound to submit to changes, made during the nonage of her brother ; and finally dismissed the bishop with these words, — " My Lord, for your gentleness, to come and see me, I thank you ; but for your offering to preach before me, I thank you never a whit ".
As he retired, he passed through the hall where he had dined, and drank, with sir Thomas Wharton, the customary parting-cup. But, in an instant, he recollected himself. " Surely ", said he, " I have done amiss. I have drunk in that place, where God's word offered hath been refused ; whereas, if I had re membered my duty, I ought to have departed immediately, and to have shaken off the dust of my shoes, for a testimony against this house". — " These words", adds the historian, who has recited the story after Ridley himself, " were by the said bishop spoken with such a vehemency, that some of the hearers confessed their hair to stand upright on their heads". Foxe, ii, 1. ix. 131. — T.~\
ART. i.] LADY JANE GREY'S ATTEMPT. 53
sir John Skelton, sir Henry Bedingfield, Mr. Jernegan, Mr. Suliard, &c., who being 13,000 strong, and seeming resolved to maintain the cause to the last, it occasioned a sudden alteration of affairs. The earl of Arundel, with several of the privy-council, who had never any liking to the duke of Northumberland's project, went off from him, and sent thirty gentlemen to tender their obedience to princess Mary : upon which the duke of Northumber land disbanding his army, lady Jane and the whole JULY party submitted themselves.1 After this attempt, 19- which was called the nine days wonder (it lasting no longer), queen Mary contented herself with the execu tion of the duke of Northumberland, the principal author of all the disturbance.2 Others, indeed, were also con demned to die, as lady Jane Grey, with her husband, lord Guilford Dudley ; and both suffered afterwards : but it was upon a new provocation, given by the duke of Suffolk, lady Jane's father, when, rising again, at the time of Wyat's rebellion, he accelerated the fate of those two unfortunate young persons. For, as they already lay under sentence of condemnation, for pretending to the crown, it would have been a wrong step in politics,, if queen Mary had suffered them to live,, whose father had relapsed into rebellion, to support their claim:5 Our historians take notice, that, "before this revolt, the queen seemed disposed to deal gently with this lady : for, after she was found guilty of high treason, she had the liberty of the parade in the tower, and of walking
1 Godwin, 107, 108; Burnet, ii. 221. [I should remark, 1. That Mary's forces amounted to not less than 30,000 men (Lettere de' Principi, i. 137) : 2. That the earl of Arundel and the lord Paget were the only persons sent by the council, to acknowledge its submission. The letter, of which they were the bearers, is in Strype's Cranmer (Append. 166). Mary was proclaimed on the 19th of July.— TV]
2 [Besides Northumberland, two others, sir John Gates, and sir Thomas Palmer, were executed. Stowe, 615. — 7VJ
3 [In opposition to this sentiment, let me cite the more sensible, as well as more humane, opinion of Dr. Lingard. " Her life ", says he, speaking of the lady Jane, " had before been spared, as a pledge for the loyalty of the house of Suffolk. That pledge was, indeed, forfeited by the rebellion of the duke; but it would have been to the honour of Mary, if she had overlooked the provocation, and refused to visit on the daughter the guilt of the father", vii. 162, new edit.— T.]
54 MARY. [PART in.
in the queen's garden ; but now it was thought neces sary to proceed to extremities, and that the queen could not be safe, as long as the other was living. * * * In her speech she owned herself guilty ; not that she had grasped at the crown, but because that she had not re fused the offer."1 Again, it cannot be denied, but that the queen gave great instances of clemency and mercy, in regard of many others involved in the same guilt ; viz., the earl of Huntingdon and his son, Ambrose Dud ley, Henry Dudley, sir Edmund Dudley, sir John Cheek, sir Roger Cholmondeley, sir Edward Montague, toge ther with the twelve judges, and some of the principal men among the clergy, Cranmer, Ridley, and Dr. Edwin Sandys, &c. These, with many more of an inferior rank, though they appeared at the head of lady Jane's party, were generously pardoned; but some of them still kept in prison, by way of caution.2
It is hinted by some writers, that this opposition, in favour of lady Jane, would have been much stronger, and continued much longer, had not queen Mary made the Norfolk and Suffolk men easy in point of religion, with a promise, that there should be no alteration of the worship established in the late king's reign. But it is misrepresenting the case : the promise, they speak of, was no more than a bare intimation, that nothing should be attempted, as to religious matters, by compulsion, or in an illegal way. For more than this was not in her power to promise, seeing she could not divine what the wisdom of the nation arid legislative power would be pleased to determine, upon the occasion. "If they engaged upon condition, and articled with their sove reign, their caution went too far. For either she had a right, or she had none : if she had none, their corres pondence was criminal ; if they believed she had a right, they ought to have run the risk of her government,
1 Collier, ii. 361.
2 Collier, ii. 344. [The number of prisoners, originally selected for trial, was twenty -seven. When the list was shewn to Mary, she at once drew her pen through the names of sixteen, and thus reduced it to eleven. Apud Ling, vii. 122.— T7.]
ART. i.] LADY JANE GREY'S ATTEMPT. 55
served her without terms, and rested the event with providence."1 Now, that she went no farther in her assurances, concerning religion, than what I have men tioned, appears from the contents of her proclamation, August 18, 1553, mentioned by Dr. Heylin. " She doth signify unto all her loving subjects, that, of her most gracious disposition and clemency, her highness mindeth not to compel any her said subjects thereunto, until such time as farther order, by common consent, may be taken therein."2 It is true the Suffolk men petitioned, that there might be no alteration in religion ; but she made no promise : only she gave them " a very hopeful an swer," which amounted to no more, than that she would attempt nothing in that way, but by a general consent.3
1 Collier, ii. 343. 2 Heylin, 193.
3 [Arundel's speech, apud Heylin, 163. [It is probable, indeed, that Mary gave no specific promise on the subject: but this speech incontestably proves, not only that her words were susceptible of a construction, favourable to the wishes of the reformers, but also that such construction was actually put on them by her partisans, in order to win the support of the people. In fact, it is with this view, and in this manner, that Arundel here appeals to them. " Reli gion ", he tells his wavering associates, " is the thing pretended. Yet how doth it appear that the princess Mary intends any alteration in religion ? Certainly, having been lately petitioned to, in this point, by the Suffolk men, she gave them a very hopeful answer". — 21.]
56 MARY. [PART in.
ARTICLE IL
THE OLD RELIGION RESTORED. MARY CONSULTS THE EMPEROR — CATHOLIC
BISHOPS RESTORED — EXCESSES OF THE REFORMERS — OUTRAGE AT PAUL'S
CROSS PROCLAMATION AGAINST PREACHING — A PARLIAMENT — THEQUEEN\S
LEGITIMACY ESTABLISHED — RESTORATION OF THE ANCIENT WORSHIP A
CONVOCATION DISPUTATION WITH THE REFORMERS THE POPE NOMINATES
POLE AS HIS LEGATE — CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN POLE AND MARY — POLE ARRIVES IN ENGLAND — HE ABSOLVES THE NATION FROM THE CENSURES OF
THE CHURCH AND CONFIRMS THE ALIENATION OF ABBEY LANDS THE
PAPAL AUTHORITY IS RESTORED.
THE obstacle of lady Jane's title being removed, queen Mary was crowned, October 1, 1553, and the parliament met, the 5th of the same month.1 It was opened 3 with a high mass in Latin, according to usual custom before the schism, and the members of both houses readily concurred to make up the breach, by re pealing those acts, which had passed in the late reign,
1 [I must here briefly sketch some of the occurrences of the last two months. 1 . Mary's first anxiety, on her accession to the throne, was to restore the ancient worship. With this view, she wrote to the emperor, requesting his advice ; and by him was exhorted to persevere in her purpose, to proceed, however, with cau tion, and to resort to no public measures, until she had obtained the sanction of parliament (Renard, apud Griffet, Nouveaux Eclaircissemens, 53, 56). It was, probably, in deference to this counsel that the reformed liturgy was still per mitted to retain its place in the service of the church. Yet the queen herself made no secret either of her religion, or of her designs. The former she prac tised without disguise : the latter, as the reader will presently see, she publicly avowed ; and if she afterwards proceeded to interfere with the established order of worship, it was not without the concurrence of that authority, by which the ancient service had originally been abolished.
2. It was on the third of August, that Mary publicly entered London as queen. As she passed to her apartments in the tower, Gardiner, who had been deprived and committed to custody, in the late reign, was seen, with the other state prisoners, kneeling on the green. In the name of the rest, he pronounced a congratulatory address. Mary turned to the party. She raised them up, saluted them, called them her prisoners, and instantly ordered them to be dis charged. Two days later, Bonner and Tunstall, the deprived bishops of Lon don and Durham, were released, the former from the Marshalsea, the latter from the King's Bench : Day of Chichester, and Heath of Worcester, who had shared the imprisonment, shared also in the enlargement, of their colleagues ; and, shortly after, a court of delegates having solemnly reversed the proceed ings, taken against them in the late reign, they were all restored to their respec tive bishoprics (Rymer, xv. 334 ; Godwin in Rennet, ii. 333; Stowe, 613).
3. If these manifestations of the royal feelings alarmed the jealousy of the reformers, they were not less calculated to excite the hopes, perhaps to encou-
ART. ii.] THE OLD RELIGION RESTORED. 57
in favour of the reformation ; chiefly those concerning the divorce and her majesty's pretended illegitimacy, with several others concerning doctrinal matters ; as the marriage of priests and religious persons, commu nion in both kinds, the liturgy, the ordinal, &c. This parliament was dissolved, the 6th of December, having gone through all points which obstructed a re-union, excepting that of the supremacy, which was too tender an article to meddle with as yet.1 However, all hands
rage the violence, of those, who were still attached to the ancient faith. In some places, the mass was publicly restored ; in others, images were again introduced, the Latin service was revived, and sermons, as irritating as they were convincing, not unfrequently provoked the resentment of the people (Strype, iii. 22; Burnet, ii. 229). On the 13th of August, Bourne, a canon of the cathedral and one of the royal chaplains, was appointed hy Bonner to preach at St. Paul's Cross. His discourse was directed against the innovations of the late reign. He spoke of prayer for the dead ; and he denounced the deprivation and imprisonment of Bonner, as barbarous and illegal. The allusion roused the anger of the populace. " Pull him down ", exclaimed a voice from the crowd. " Pull him down ", was re-echoed, in every direction ; while a dagger, thrown at the preacher from an unknown hand, admonished him to consult his safety, by retiring into the adjoining school (Stowe, 613, 614 ; Foxe, iii. 14). This outrage awakened the precaution, if it did not excite the alarm, of Mary. She instantly summoned the lord mayor and aldermen before the council; ordered them to inform the citizens that they would be held responsible for the conduct of their children and servants ; and concluded by repeating to them the assurance, which she had given on the preceding day, that, " albeit her grace's conscyence is stayed in matter of religeon, yet she meaneth gratiously not to compell or straine other menes conscyences, otherwise than God shall (as she trusteth) putt in their heartes a perswasyon of the truth that she is in, thorough the openinge of his worde unto them, by godly, vertuous, and learned preachers '* (Council Book, apud Archceologia, xviii. 173). Five days later, however, a pro clamation was issued, apparently intended to qualify or explain this declaration. In it, the queen informs her subjects that she can no longer " hide that religion, which God and the world knoweth she hath ever professed from her infancy". She could wish, indeed, that all her people would unite in receiving it : but, as she " mindeth not to compel them thereunto, until such time as further order, by common assent, may be taken ", so she strictly forbids all persons to excite sedition? among them, or to disturb the harmony of her subjects, by using " the new-found devilish terms of papist and heretic ". She also prohibits the publi cation of any treatises or books touching controverted points of doctrine, and charges the clergy and others, not specially licensed, to abstain from preaching and expounding the scripture. See Appendix, No. XV. — T.~]
1 [It was originally intended to include this subject in the proceedings; and, with that view, a bill was introduced in the lords, by which, under one enact- men:, it was proposed to repeal all the laws, relating either to religion or to the divorce, which had been passed in the last two reigns. It was soon discovered, however, that a feeling was existing among the commons, on the subject of the supremacy, which was likely to endanger the success of the measure. Its pro secution was, therefore, abandoned : parliament was suddenly prorogued, for three days; and, when it again assembled, two separate bills were laid before it,
58 MARY. [PART in.
were at work to surmount that difficulty, and put the nation in the same state it was in, before the fatal breach made by king Henry VIII. In the mean time, the con vocation met, October 6, going hand in hand with the two houses of parliament. Dr. Hugh Weston, dean of Westminster, was chosen prolocutor of the lower house, and Dr. Harpsfield preached a remarkable sermon, wherein he laid open the mercenary and slavish con descension of the English clergy, during the two late reigns. Then they proceeded to several points of doc trine ; particularly transubstantiation. The reformers were permitted to plead their cause, and make what objections they pleased in defence of their innovations : but only two of them thought fit to open their mouths upon the occasion, viz. Haddon, and Philpot. When the article of Christ's natural presence was brought to a conclusion, only five members of the convocation dissented from it, viz. Haddon, dean of Exeter, Philpot, archdeacon of Winchester, Philips, dean of Rochester, Aylmer, archdeacon of Stow, and Cheney, archdeacon of Hereford.1 As for the bishops, they scarce appeared
the one establishing the legitimacy of the queen, the other repealing all acts on the subject of religion, passed since the accession of her brother (Stat. 1 Mar. Sess. 2. c. 1 and 2. See also Lingard, vii. 139).
I should add, that two other bills were soon afterwards introduced and car ried, whose object was, to protect the restored worship from the violence of the reformers. By the first, it was provided that any person, disturbing a preacher in his sermon, or interrupting a priest in the celebration of divine service, or in sulting the host, or injuring, breaking, or defacing the altars and images of the churches, should be imprisoned, for the term of three months. By the second, all persons assembling, to the number of twelve, for the purpose of forcibly altering the religion now established by law, were brought within the statute for the prevention of riotous meetings. They might be required by any justice, or other officer, to disperse; and, if they refused to obey the mandate, 'they were judged guilty of felony, and ordered to suffer death accordingly. Stat. 1 Mar. Sess. 2. c. 3, J2.— 71.]
1 [Wilkins, iv. 88; Foxe, iii. 16 et seq. — Dodd is mistaken in the assertion, that Haddon and Philpot were the only reformers, who spoke on this occasion. When the house met, on Friday, the twentieth of October, Weston, the prolo cutor, produced two papers for the signature of the members, one asserting the natural presence of Christ in the sacrament, the other denying that the articles, set forth in the late reign, had received the sanction of that body. To these papers all present, except the five persons mentioned in the text, instantly sub scribed. The latter, however, demurred to the propriety of signing what had not been discussed : they demanded an opportunity of arguing the question, which had been proposed to them ; and, to obtain some chance in an assembly,
ART. ii.] THE OLD RELIGION RESTORED. 59
in the cause. Some of them were under confinement, upon account of the late disturbance in lady Jane's cause ; others absconded. Several of them conformed ; and only two of them, viz. Taylor of Lincoln, and Harley of Hereford, made their appearance in the house of lords, when these grand matters were debating. Thus, the reformation was contracted into a very little compass, and the whole nation quietly took up the ancient prac tices of their ancestors, as if they had met with no in terruption.
In the next place, we are to look abroad, how matters were carried on between the English nation and the see of Rome. Several great difficulties occurred, which retarded the re-union : but the prudent behaviour of those, that were employed, quickly overcame them. Several letters passed between the queen and his holi ness, many whereof related to cardinal Pole, who was to be the chief instrument of this great reconciliation. The conclusion was, that the cardinal should come over : but he, having many other concerns upon his hands, till these were completed, could not move. In the mean time, matters were to be prepared by Francesco Com- mendone, his agent in London, who was sent to reside there, for that purpose.1 At length, in September 1554,
where they were so greatly inferior both in numbers and in learning, they de sired that Ridley, Rogers, and some other divines might be permitted to assist them in the disputation. This request was referred, as a petition, to the bishops ; and the house adjourned, to wait for a reply. When it reassembled, on the following Monday, the petition had been rejected. Haddon, therefore, and Aylmer, refused to enter on the debate : but Cheney was, at length, induced to open the discussion : by degrees, Aylmer and Haddon were both drawn into the argument: Philipps and Philpot followed, on the same side; and, for four days, the dissentients continued to maintain their opinions, against the whole body of the convocation. Of course, each party, as usual, claimed to be victorious : — each might also have claimed the additional honour of having failed to convince its opponents. See Foxe, iii. 16 — 23. For an account of the disputation in which Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer were engaged at Oxford, in the following April, 1554, see the same writer, iii. 36 — 74, and Persons's Review, c. i. s. 8. p. 73_77._r.]
1 [The transactions, here but imperfectly alluded to, deserve to be more par ticularly noticed. The intelligence, which announced the accession of Mary, was received at Rome with feelings of the liveliest satisfaction. The pontiff, when he heard it, burst into tears, and, instantly summoning the cardinals, offi cially acquainted them with the joyful tidings. With the approbation of all present, he then appointed cardinal Pole to proceed as legate to the queen, the
60 MARY. [PART in.
lord Paget and sir Edward Hastings were sent to Brus- 1554. sels to conduct the cardinal over ; but the middle NOV. 20. Of November was passed before he took shipping at Calais, where six of the queen's men of war were waiting to convoy him. At Dover, he wras met by lord Montague and the bishop of Ely., with many others of the nobility, and their attendants. Then, having crossed the country to Gravesend, the bishop of Durham and the earl of Shrewsbury were there, ready to present him with the act reversing his attainder. The barge, which
emperor, and the king of France ; gave him power to act in all cases as he should deem expedient, without waiting to consult the holy see ; and, to hasten his departure on his new mission, sent him a sum of two thousand crowns, to defray the expenses of his journey (Raynaldi, xxi. 83. See Appendix, No. XVI.). But Pole, in his monastery at Magguzzano, on the borders of the lake of Guarda, had already weighed the difficulties of the enterprise. From the duties of the legation he had no desire to shrink : but he hesitated to commit the pon tiff in the prosecution of a hopeless scheme; and he thought that, before he assumed the character of envoy, information should be obtained, as to the feel ings and dispositions of his countrymen. With this view, therefore, he addressed a letter to Mary (see Appendix, No. XVII.), and placing it in the hands of a trusty servant, named Henry Penning, despatched him, in company with Gio vanni Francesco Commendone, a gentleman in the suite of the Nuncio at Brussels, on his way to England. Sailing from Gravelines, the travellers arrived in London on the eighth of August, Penning probably in the character of a servant, Commendone in that of a stranger come to settle the accounts of a deceased uncle. They found that Mary, surrounded by enemies, and almost a prisoner in her own capital, was not easily accessible. For some days, there fore, they remained unnoticed and unknown, mixing in the crowd, and carefully noting what they observed ; till chance at length brought them in the way of a servant in the royal household, named Lee, with whom Commendone had for-
fully
object of their mission; and Mary, having assured them of her friendly disposi tions, finally despatched Commendone with a private message to the pope, in forming him that, with a view to effect a reconciliation between her kingdom and the holy see, she was about to procure the repeal of all laws inimical to the ancient faith ; that, in the prosecution of her design, she hoped to have the con currence of the pontiff, and the assistance of the cardinal, as legate ; but that, at the same time, it would be necessary to proceed with all possible caution, to wait until the popular feeling against Rome should have subsided, and, in the meanwhile, carefully to conceal her present message, and the communication, which she was now establishing with the pope (compare Pallavicino, ii. 1. 13. c. 7. p. 407 — 410, with the letters in the Appendix, No. XVIII.). Penning was detained to witness the coronation, and the opening of parliament ; and was then dismissed, with a letter written by the queen, in answer to that of which he had been the bearer from Pole (see Appendix, No. XIX.).
This letter expressed the determination of Mary to avail herself of the first favourable opportunity for restoring the ancient faith : it was followed by two others, explaining the difficulties of her situation, stating the impossibility of
ART. ii.] THE OLD RELIGION RESTORED. 61
was prepared to carry him up the river, had a large silver cross fixed at the stern ; and an infinite number of boats, filled with persons of all ranks, attended NOV. upon him. The bishop of Winchester stood ready, 24- at Whitehall stairs, to receive him as he landed ; the king was at the gate, the queen at the top of the palace stairs, to compliment him upon his happy arrival. After he was landed, and some short discourse between him and their majesties, he was conducted to the archiepis- copal palace at Lambeth, which had been prepared for his reception.1 Not long after, he paid a visit to their majesties, taking along with him such letters and in structions as he had brought from Rome. In the next place, he took his seat in the council, where he opened his power in an eloquent speech, mentioning the busi ness he came about, with a general idea of the method for reconciling the nation to the see of Rome. He was seconded with another speech made by bishop Gardiner, lord chancellor, signifying, how willing the nation was to be freed from those misfortunes they had lately lain under ; and in particular, he lamented his own fate, for having been so instrumental in promoting and abetting their defection from the holy see.2
obtaining a recognition of the papal authority in the present parliament, and desiring the cardinal to consult the interests both of religion and of his country, by suspending his journey fora short period (see Appendix, No. XX.). That she might have the benefit of his advice, however, she requested him to proceed to Brussels, where she could more easily communicate with him. But the jealousy of the emperor had been awakened. He had been taught to regard Pole as the enemy, perhaps the competitor, of Philip, in the projected marriage with the queen ; and he hastened, therefore, to avert the danger to be apprehended from his influence, by ordering him to remain in Germany. Pole retired to Dil- linghen, on the Danube, whence, after the conclusion of the treaty of marriage between Mary and the prince of Spain, he was at length permitted to go to Brussels. Pallavicino, ii. 1. 13. c. 8. p. 414 — 416. See Appendix, No. XXI.— T.]
1 [Quirini, v. Append. 303—310. Letter from Paget and Hastings to the king, in Burnet, iii. Rec. 237. The bill, reversing his attainder, was passed on the twenty-second of November. — T.~\
2 [It was not in the council that this occurred, but in an assembly of the lords and commons, summoned by a royal message at Whitehall, four days after the arrival of the legate. On the following morning (Nov. 29), the two houses met, and the question of a reunion was put and carried. It was then agreed to present a petition to the king and queen, acknowledging, with sorrow, their late schismatical proceedings ; promising to repeal whatever laws had been enacted in opposition to the papal authority ; and expressing a fervent hope, that, in consequence of their repentance, they might now be absolved from all
62 MARY. [PART in.
The 30th of November, St. Andrew's day, being the NOV. time appointed for the reconciliation in form, the 30- cardinal appeared in parliament ; and, having de livered in all the bulls and briefs relating to his com mission,1 he made a long and moving speech, touching upon every thing that might be capable of exciting them to grief for their mismanagement, during the two late reigns, and encouraging them, upon the present prospect of aifairs. He compared England to the prodigal son, who, having wasted their spiritual substance, and de stroyed all the monuments of religion erected by their pious ancestors, was now returning again to their father's house and centre of unity, the see of Rome ; and, if heaven rejoiced, and the angels were pleased, at one sinner's repentance, what would they not be, when a whole kingdom lay prostrate before them ? After wards, both houses of parliament, kneeling down, im plored the mercy of God both for themselves and the whole kingdom, and received absolution in the following form : " Our Lord Jesus Christ, which with his most precious blood hath redeemed and washed us from all our sins and iniquities, that he might purchase unto himself a glorious spouse, without spot or wrinkle, and whom the father hath appointed head over all his church ; he, by his mercy absolve you : and we, by apostolic authority given unto us (by the most holy lord, pope Julius III. his vice-gerent in earth) do absolve and deliver you, and every of you, with the whole realm and dominions thereof, from all heresy and schism, and from all and every judgment, censures, and pains, for that
ecclesiastical censures, and admitted into the bosom of the universal church. The proceedings of the next day were the result of this petition. The proposal for the reunion was again carried, in the lords unanimously, in the commons with the approbation of all but two persons, who, however, abandoned their opposition on the following morning. " Percioche di 440 voti, che erano in tutto, due soli di quelli del popolo si mostrarono in tanto numero discrepant!, 1'uno tacendo, e 1'altro dicendo havere scrupolo del giuramento altra volta preso in contrario, di non esser mai sotto la obedienza del Papa. * * * I quali due tuttavia, vedendo poi il comun consenso di tutti gli altri, consenti- rono anco essi, il giorno seguente, nell'atto che si fece della riunione ". Quirini, v. Append. 314.— JY]
1 They will be found in the Appendix, No. XXII.
ART. ii.] THE OLD RELIGION RESTORED. 63
cause incurred : and also, we do restore you again unto the unity of our mother,, the holy church,, as in our letters more plainly it shall appear, in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost." This absolution being pronounced, both houses of parliament answered aloud, " Amen," " Amen." Then rising up, many of them were seen to embrace and congratulate with one another, with tears in their eyes, for joy of so happy a deliverance.1 On the 2d of December, it being the first Sunday of Advent, a public service was DEC. performed at St. Paul's cathedral, at which the 2- cardinal imparted the apostolic benediction, in presence of their majesties, the lord mayor and aldermen, and chief of the citizens ; bishop Gardiner, lord chancellor, preaching a sermon upon the occasion, wherein he de clared publicly, that king Henry VIII., not long before he died, showed a willingness to be reconciled to the see of Rome, made some overtures towards it, and wished it could be effected without reflecting upon his honour and dignity.2 On Thursday, being St. DEC. Nicholas' day, both houses of convocation made 6- their submission to the holy see, in a very public and solemn manner : and, soon after, three ambassadors, representing the three orders of the kingdom, viz. the lord Montague, the bishop of Ely, and sir Edward Carne, were dispatched to Rome, to tender the obedience of the whole nation. This was followed with a jubilee, proclaimed over the whole church, December 24, so that the joy became universal.3
1 Quirini, v. Append. 315—318; Foxe, iii. 91.
2 [Quirini, v. Append. 293, 319. The substance of Gardiner's sermon is in Foxe, iii. 92; a Latin translation, in Quirini, ibid. 293 — 299. — T.~]
3 [Quirini, v. 131; Wilk. iv. Ill; Heylin, 212, 213. See also Appendix, No. XXIII. There are some other circumstances connected with this trans action, which require to be noticed. Among the difficulties to be encountered in restoring the jurisdiction of the Roman see, it was always foreseen that the opposition of those, who had profited by the spoliation of the church during the last two reigns, would be the most formidable. To avert their hostility, a bull, which the reader has already seen (Appendix, No. XXII.), was issued on the twenty-eighth of June, 1554; and full power was conferred on the legate to " treat, compound, and dispense " with the holders of ecclesiastical property, in all matters affecting their present possessions. But it was apprehended that, under the words "treat and compound", Pole might discover a pretext for
64 MARY. [PART in.
ARTICLE III.
FUGITIVE REFORMERS. ROYAL INJUNCTIONS PROCEEDINGS AGAINST THE
REFORMED CLERGY SOME SEEK AN ASYLUM ABROAD — LIST OF THE EXILES
THEIR DISPUTES FULLER'S ACCOUNT OF THEIR PROCEEDINGS REFLEC TIONS.
IT is, perhaps, an instance, we seldom read of in history, of so general defection as there was in Henry VIII. 's reign ; unless it was in queen Mary's reign, when the nation returned again to the religion of their ancestors, and the change was much more universal. Besides, several circumstances occurred in the former case, to lessen the surprise. King Henry contended only with the see of Rome about the article of the supremacy (being orthodox in all other points), and that article was so expounded, that the generality seem not to have
evading the spirit of his commission. The matter was represented to the pope, the opinions of the divines and canonists at Rome were taken, and, on the fifth of October, another bull was despatched, authorizing the cardinal absolutely, and without reserve, " to give, aliene, and transfer " to its present possessors what ever property they had obtained from the church (Pallavicino, ii. 1. 13. c. 9. p. 422, 423. See Appendix, No. XXIV).
The period had now arrived for the exercise of these powers. By the pro ceedings described in the text, the nation had been absolved from the censures, and restored to the unity, of the church. It still remained to abrogate the laws affecting the supremacy, and, as a preliminary step, it was resolved to obtain a settlement of the important question, respecting ecclesiastical property. On the same day, two petitions were presented to the throne. The first, from the clergy, expressed their willingness to abandon all claim to the alienated posses sions of the church, and their hope that the legate might be induced to make such arrangement, as would be most conducive to the welfare of religion. The second, from the lords and commons, was more specific. It besought the me diation of the king and queen in their behalf; it prayed for such dispensations as the necessities and misfortunes of the times required ; and it concluded by desiring, 1 . That all cathedral churches, hospitals, colleges, and schools, founded during the schism, might be preserved: 2. That all marriages contracted within the prohibited degrees, but under the sanction of the civil law, might be declared valid : 3. That all institutions to benefices, all dispensations granted under the act of parliament, and all judicial processes made before the ordinaries, or before delegates on appeal, might be confirmed ; and 4. That all persons having sufficient conveyance of any lands, tenements, or other property, formerly be longing to the church, might, without scruple of conscience, and without im peachment or trouble, by pretence of any general council, canons, or ecclesias tical laws, continue to enjoy the same. Pole acceded to these requests, by an
ART. in.] FUGITIVE REFORMERS. 65
extended it to an article of faith, in opposition to the whole church ; so that they might easily be led astray in that particular. But, when queen Mary ascended the throne, a system of religion, consisting of many articles, was renounced in an instant by the whole nation. I may truly say, by the whole nation ; because the number of those, called reformers, was so very in considerable, that they could scarce be called a party ; and would still have been much less, had not the minis try been somewhat cautious and slow in advancing them to preferments.1 This occasioned some of them to grow
instrument published on the twenty-fourth of December : and, a few days later (Jan. 4, 1555), a bill, completing the great work in which they were employed, was drawn up and passed by the two houses. This bill deserves to be noticed. It first adverts to the engagement made by the lords and commons, in their original address to the legate, and immediately repeals all acts, together with all clauses, sentences, and articles in any act, passed since the twentieth year of Hemy VIIL, in derogation of the spiritual authority of the Roman pontiff. It then recites the two petitions, with the answer and dispensation of the cardinal; ordains that every article and clause in that dispensation shall be reputed a good and sufficient plea in any action at law ; and, having asserted the exclu sive jurisdiction of the queen's courts in questions of property, arid the right of each possessor to hold it, independent of the present statute, declares that any person who shall seek to disturb such possessor, by process issued from any ecclesiastical court, either within the realm or without, shall incur the penalty of a premunire. It then proceeds to the subject of bulls, dispensations, and privileges, obtained, or to be obtained, from Rome : it provides that all such instruments, not conta'ning matter prejudicial to the royal authority, or to the laws and customs of the realm, may be put in execution, used, and alleged, in any court whatsoever : it establishes the jurisdiction of the bishops over all ex empt churches and chapels, in their respective dioceses : it suspends the operation of the statutes of mortmain, for the space of twenty-one years next ensuing; and it concludes by declaring, that nothing, which it contains, shall be construed to lessen the authority or prerogatives belonging to the crown in the twentieth year of Henry VIII., that the pope shall have and enjoy, without diminution or enlargement, the same authority, preeminence, and jurisdiction, which he might then have lawfully exercised, in virtue of his supremacy, and that the jurisdic tion of the archbishops, bishops, and other ordinaries, shall be restored to the same state, in which it existed at that period. Such was the statute, by which the reunion of the nation with the universal church was finally ratified and con firmed. A copy of the act, together with Dodd's argument on the validity and sufficiency of the dispensation, granted by the cardinal to the possessors of eccle siastical property, will be found in the Appendix, No. XXV. — TJ]
1 [It is right to observe that the measures of government were not confined to the mere withholding of preferment from the reformers. By the repeal of the statutes passed during the reign of Edward, the canon law had been restored to its ancient authority; and, in accordance with its provisions, a body of injunc tions was drawn up (March 4, 1,;54), and sent to the bishops, ordering each one in his diocese to repress heresies, and other notable crimes, especially among the clergy, -to remove all married clergymen from their benefices, and to divorce and punish all such as, having taken the monastic vows, should afterwards have
VOL. II. F
66 MARY. [PART in.
obstinate ; others took pet and went abroad., where they were not out of hopes of being pitied and relieved. Four or five of the reformed bishops did, indeed, appear firm and constant to their persuasion : but many others of them pulled oif the mask, and returned to the ancient
presumed to contract marriage (See Appendix, No. XXVI.). That, in conse quence of these proceedings, a large number of persons was deprived, is certain. Wharton, who writes under the assumed name of Anthony Harmer, discovered that, of three hundred benefices within the jurisdiction of Canterbury, the in cumbents of seventy-three were removed : and if we apply this computation to the other dioceses, we shall have a total of about one-fourth of the whole. Still, the deprivation of these persons was not the harsh and summary proceeding, which Burnet (iii. 257) would represent it. They were neither ejected " upon common fame ", nor turned adrift, without the power of regaining their posses-
they might
it is only necessary to add, that Burnet's dishonest reference to archbishop Parker, as well as his other extraordinary misrepresentations, has been suffi ciently exposed by Collier (ii. 366).
Of the bishops a larger portion seems to have been placed within the opera tion of the law. By the restoration of Gardiner and the other prelates, men tioned in a preceding note (page 56, note J), Ridley, Poynet, Scory, and Hooper had already been ejected from" the respective sees of London, Winchester, Chi- chester, and Worcester. Cranmer, as the reader is aware, was in the tower; Coverdale had been compelled to surrender Exeter to Voysey, its former bishop (Rymer, xv. 340) ; and, of the patrons, or advocates of the new doctrines, eight only now remained in possession of their sees. They were, Holgate of York, Ferrar of St. David's, Bird of Chester, Bush of Bristol, Taylor of Lincoln, Hooper of Gloucester (he had been deprived only of Worcester), Harley of Hereford, and Barlow of Bath and Wells. With regard to the process by which Barlow was ejected, it is only known that the see was declared to be vacant, by his " deprivation and removal" (Rymer, xv. 376). To expel the others, two commissions were issued. One, dated March 13, 1554, was addressed to the bishops of Winchester, Durham, London, St. Asaph, Chichester, and Landaff. It charged Holgate, Ferrar, Bird, and Bush, with having contracted marriage, contrary to their solemn vows ; it directed the commissioners, or any three of them, to enquire into the truth of this allegation ; and it authorized them, in case the fact were satisfactorily established, to deprive the offenders of all their ecclesiastical preferments, and, in addition, to enjoin them such suitable penance, as the enormity of their crime might require. The other commission, dated two days later, but directed to the same persons, assumed a different ground. It stated that Taylor, Hooper, and Harley, the remaining three, had accepted their bishoprics, to hold them only during good behaviour; that, in defiance, however, of this stipulation, they had scandalized the church by their erroneous teaching, and inordinate conduct ; and that, since, by these proceedings, they had at once manifested their unworthiness, and forfeited the tenure by which they held their offices, the commissioners were ordered to summon the delinquents before them, and forthwith proceed to declare their respective sees void (See Appendix, No. XXVIL). The instructions, contained in these instruments, were, of course, complied with. The accused were immediately deprived ; and catholic prelates were consecrated, to supply the vacant bishoprics. Pallavicino, ii. 420, 421, ex act. Consist. 6 Jul. 1554.— TV]
ART. in.] FUGITIVE REFORMERS. 67
faith, in which they had been educated ; viz., Thirlby, King, Bush, Kitchin, Buckley, Purefoy, Bird, &c. ; nay, even Scory and Barlow, who from the beginning had discovered a particular inclination to the reformed doc trine, thought fit to conform for a while ; till, meeting with no preferment, they relapsed and went abroad. For, " Scory, late bishop of Chichester, though removed upon Day's being restored, went a full length in his compliance. He made his appearance before Bonner, renounced his matrimony, submitted to penance, and had a formal absolution, July 14, 1554. * * * Also, about this time, there was a book published in Barlow's name, in which he retracts his former persuasion."1 To these, we may join sir John Cheek, who, among the laity, was a principal pillar of the reformation ; yet, in queen Mary's time, being brought prisoner out of Flan ders, his zeal forsook him, and, as Mr. Fuller, express ing the matter in an apologetic strain, says, " hard usage drew from his mouth an abrenunciation of that truth, which he so long had professed, and still believed."2
But now, let us follow the English reformed church abroad, and take a view of their discipline and behaviour at Strasburg, Frankfort, Zurich, Geneva, &c., whither they retired at different times, during this reign ,3
1 Collier, ii. 365. 2 Fuller, lib. viii. 37.
3 In Whitehead's " Brief Survey of the Troubles begun at Frankfort",
printed in 1575, we have the following list of the exiles. Bishops : Poynet,
Barlow, Scory, Coverdale, and Bale. Deans : Richard Cox, James Haddon,
Robert Horn, William Turner, and Thomas Sampson. Archdeacons : Edmund
Cranmer, John Aylmer, Babington, and Thomas Young. Others of the
Clergy : Edmund Grindal, Robert King, Edwin Sandys, Joseph Juel,
Reynolds, - - Pilkington, Nowel, John Knox, Gilby, William
Whittingham, William Cole, — - Montague, Robert Beaumont, and Augus tine Broadbridge. Lay Persons of Note : Robert Bertie and family, Sir Thomas Wroth, Sir Richard Morrison, Sir Anthony Cook, Sir John Cheek, Sir Francis Knolles, and Sir Peter Carew. Other Persons, Clergymen, Merchants, Artificers, Servants, fyc., found abroad : Thomas Leaver, Robert Poumal, Richard Lang- horn, Thomas Turpin, Boys, Wilford, Upchair, John Hunting don, Guido Eaten, John Geoffrey, Thomas Eaten, John Peader, Michael Rhe- muger, Arthur Saule, Thomas Steward, Christopher Goodman, Humphrey Alcocson, Thomas Lakin, Thomas Crofton, Richard Chambers, Thomas Leaver, Nicholas Carvil, John Mullins, Thomas Spencer, John Parkhurst, Roger Kelkye, Lawrence Humphrey, Henry Cockraft, Thomas Bentham, John Pretio, Ed mund Sutton, John Makebray, Thomas Cole, William Williams, George Chidley, William Hammon, Thomas Steward, Thomas Wood, John Stanton,
68 MARY. [PART m.
Some (who, however,, seem only to guess at random, at the whole number, that left England upon account of religion) make them 300, including persons of all ranks and professions ; others, and among them Heylin1 are pleased to swell up the number to 800. The account we have of their behaviour is this. Those at Frankfort " gave into the German and French novelties, and refined to a considerable alteration upon their own common prayer book. * * * * They declared against a spiritual monarchy, and made choice of two or three pastors with co-ordinate authority."2 The English at Zurich and Strasburg not relishing the Frankfort disci pline, the church of Geneva was consulted upon the con troversy ; and Calvin, being sole master there, advised Knox, Whittingham, Gilby, Foxe, Cole, &c. (who were by much the stronger party), to oppose the English liturgy. But this being not agreed to by their adver saries, matters were compromised, and a medley service was drawn up and made use of. Things remained in this posture till Dr. Cox came over to Frankfort, who, finding himself a stranger to the discipline of what he thought his own church, he exhorts his countrymen to resume the liturgy, or common prayer, as it was estab lished in Edward VI. 's reign. But this had no effect, only to add fuel to the fire ; so that, at last, both parties were so exasperated, that, had not the magistrates of Frankfort (who were now head of the English reformed church) interposed, they were upon the point of coming to blows. Soon after, the Coxian party, finding them selves obliged to submit to the medley liturgy, went another way to work. They " accuse Knox to the state for no less than high treason against the emperor. Hereupon, the state of Frankfort (as an imperial town, highly concerned to be tender of the emperor's honour) willed Knox to depart the city."3 Knox retired to Ge-
William Walton, Jasper Swift, John Geoffrey, John Gray, Michael Gill, John Sandford, John Wood, Thomas Sorby, Anthony Carier, Hugh Alford, George Whetnal, Thomas Whetnal, Edward Sutton, John Foxe, Laurence Kent, Wil liam Keith, John Hollingham, and the writer, David Whitehead.
1 P. 229. * Collier, ii. 393, 394. 3 Fuller, lib. viii. 30, 31.
ART. in.] FUGITIVE REFORMERS. 69
iieva, and was soon after followed by John Foxe and several others, who took Calvin for their pattern in re forming. This stratagem gave Dr. Cox an opportunity of restoring king Edward's liturgy. Dr. Heylin seems to fetch the origin of the Protestant dissenters from these divisions among the exiles of Frankfort -,1 but the date of their rise seems to be of a longer standing. Bishop Hooper's refusing to comply with certain cere monies, at his consecration, and the great power Calvin and his party had in reforming the English liturgy, in the late reign, shows, that the seeds of presbytery were sown in England before those exiles imported it ; and that it was the afternoon production of the English re formation. But methinks, both parties contend about antiquity with a very ill grace, when they look upon that church, from which they separated themselves.
In perusing the account which Mr. Echard gives of queen Mary's reign, I was surprised to find so very little in him, concerning this church of theirs, that lived in exile. But, indeed, it made so poor and scandalous a figure, that, though it was hugely his business to have taken more notice of it, yet he showed his caution and prudence in touching upon it so very tenderly. Dr. Fuller has been more candid, upon this occasion. He gives us a full account of the whole matter, from an author, that was an eye-witness to the behaviour of those primitive reformers ; and, perhaps, a larger account of their proceedings will not be unwelcome to the reader ; which I will deliver in Mr. Fuller's own words. " The English exiles came first to Frankfort, June 24 ; and, on the 14th of July following, by the special favour and mediation of Mr. John Glauberg, one of the chief senators of that state, had a church granted unto them ; yet so, as they were to hold the same in coparceny with the French protestants ; they one day, and the English another : and, on Sunday, alternately to choose their hours, as they could best agree among themselves. The church was also granted them with this proviso,, that
1 Heylin, 229.
70 MARY. [PART in.
they should not dissent from the French in doctrine, or ceremonies, lest thereby they should minister occasion of offence. On the 25th of the same month, our Eng lish, with great joy, entered their new church, and had two sermons preached therein, to their singular comfort. About which time, they constituted their church, choos ing a minister and deacons, for a time ; and, out of conformity to the French, abrogated many things, formerly used by them in the church of England ; as namely :
" 1 . They concluded, that the answering aloud, after the minister, should not be used.
"2. The litany, surplice, and other ceremonies in service, and sacraments, they omitted, both as super fluous and superstitious.
"3. In place of the English confession, they used another, adjudged by them of more effect, and framed ' according to the state and time.'
"4. The same ended, the people sung a psalm in metre, in a plain tune.
" 5. That done, the minister prayed for assistance of God's spirit, and so proceeded to the sermon.
"6. After sermon, a general prayer for all states, and particularly for -England, was 'devised,' which was ended with the Lord's prayer.
"7. Then followed a rehearsal of the articles of belief; which ended, the people sung another psalm, as before.
" 8. Lastly, the minister pronounced the blessing : The peace of God, fyc. or the like, and so the people departed.
" What is meant by framing their confession ' accord ing to the state and time,' I understand not (must our confessions, as our clothes, follow the fashions of the state and place we live in r), except it be this, that it was made more particularly, not only for sinners, but for exiles, acknowledging their present banishment justly inflicted on them for their offence. The prayer ' devised' after sermon, according to the genuine sense of the word, seems no extemporary prayer then con-
ART. in.] FUGITIVE REFORMERS. 7l
ceived by the minister, but a set form formerly agreed upon by the congregation. Thus have we a true account of their service ; conceive it only of such things wherein they differed from the English liturgy, not of such par ticulars wherein they concurred therewith ; the cause, as I conceive, why no mention [is made] of reading psalms and chapters in their congregation. These, certainly, were not omitted ; and probably were inserted between the confession and singing the first psalm.
" Thus settled in their church, their next care was, to write letters, dated August 1 , to all the English con gregations at Strasburg, Zurich, Wesel, Embden, &c. to invite them, with all convenient speed, to come, and join with them at Frankfort. This is the communion of saints, who never account themselves peaceably pos sessed of any happiness, until, if it be in their power, they have also made their fellow sufferers partakers thereof. However, this their invitation found not any great entertainment amongst the other English church- colonies ; all delaying, and some denying to come : but, especially, those of Zurich were most refractory, arid showed least inclination to repair to Frankfort.
"This occasioned several reiterated letters from Frankfort, pressing and ' requiring' those of Zurich deeply to weigh this matter of God's calling, and the necessity of uniting themselves in one congregation. Let none say that Frankfort might as well come to Zurich, as Zurich to Frankfort, because the English Zurichians (though not in number) in learning and quality equalled, if not exceeded, those of Frankfort : for Frankfort wras nearer to England, and more con venient for receiving intelligence thence, and returning it thither. Besides, all Christendom met at Frankfort twice a year (the vernal and autumnal mart) ; and, grant there was more learning at Zurich, there were more books at Frankfort, with conveniences to advance their studies. But chiefly, at Frankfort the congregation enjoyed most ample privileges ; and it was conceived it would much conduce to the credit and comfort of the English church, if the dispersed handfuls of their exiles
72 MARY. [PART in.
were bound up in one sheaf, united into one congrega tion, where they might serve God in purity of faith, and integrity of life, having both doctrine and discipline, free from any mixture of superstition.
"Notwithstanding this their importunity, those of Zurich made no other addresses to Frankfort, than by dilatory letters, excusing themselves from coming thither. Some saw no absolute necessity, that all the English should repair to one place ; conceiving it rather safer to adventure themselves in several bottoms, and live in distinct colonies. Others were displeased with the im perative style of the letter from Frankfort, £ requiring' them to come thither ; exceeding the bounds of counsel for convenience, into command for conscience : yea, charging recusancy herein, as a sin on the souls of the refusers. They pleaded, they were already peaceably seated, and courteously used at Zurich ; and, to go away, before they had the least injury offered them, was to offer an injury to those, who so long and lovingly had entertained them. Some insisted on the material point, how they should be maintained at Frankfort ; there being more required to their living there, than their bare coming thither. But the main was, those of Zurich were resolved no whit to recede from the liturgy used in England, under the reign of king Edward VI., and, except those of Frankfort would give them assurance, that, coming thither, they should have the full and free use thereof, they utterly refused any communion with their congregation.
" About this time, Mr. John Knox came from Geneva, and was chosen, by the congregation of Frankfort, for their constant minister. Let none account it incon gruous, that, among so many able and eminent English divines, a Scotchman should be made pastor of the English church ; seeing Mr. Knox his reputed merit did naturalize him, though a foreigner, for any Protestant congregation. At which time, also, Mr. Chambers and Mr. Edmund Grindal came thither, as agents, writh a letter from the congregation of Strasburg. This Stras- burg, as, in the position thereof, it is almost seated in
ART. in.] FUGITIVE REFORMERS. 73
the just mid- way betwixt Zurich and Frankfort, so the English, there residing, embraced a moderate and mid dle expedient, betwixt the extremities of the twoforesaid congregations. These made a motion, that they might have the substance and effect of the common prayer book, though such ceremonies and things, which the country could not bear, might well be omitted. Knox and Whittingham asked them, w^hat they meant by 'the substance' of the book ? And whilst the other wanted commission to dispute the point, the motion, for the present, came to no perfection. However, it gave oc casion, that Mr. Knox, and others in Frankfort, drew up, in Latin, a platform, or description of the liturgy, as used in England under king Edward, and tendered the same to the judgment of Mr. John Calvin in Geneva, to pass his sentence thereon. This is that Mr. Calvin, whose care of all the churches is so highly commended by some ; and as much censured he is by others, as boasting himself in another man's line, and meddling with foreign matters, which did not belong unto him. Take Mr. Calvin's judgment herein, from his own letter, bearing date the 20th of January following. ' In the liturgy of England, I see there are many tolerable foolish things. By these words, I mean, that there is not that purity, which were to be desired. These vices, though they could not, at the first day, be amended, yet, seeing there was no manifest impiety, they were, for a season, to be tolerated. Therefore, it was law ful to begin with such rudiments, or abcedaries ; but so, that it behoved the learned, grave, and godly mi nisters of Christ, to enterprise further , and to set forth something more filed from rust, and purer' This struck such a stroke, especially in the congregation of Frankfort, that some therein, who formerly partly ap proved, did afterward wholly dislike ; and more, who formerly disliked, did now detest, the English liturgy.
In this case stood matters in Frankfort, when Dr. Richard Cox, with some of his friends out of England, arrived there. This doctor was a man of an high spirit, deep learning, unblameable life, and of great credit
74 MARY. [PART in.
amongst his countrymen : for he had been tutor unto Edward VI., and well may the nurse herself be silent,, whilst the well batteling of the babe pleads aloud for her care and diligence : as here, the piety and preg nancy of his prince pupil added much to Dr. Cox his deserved reputation. He, with others, coming into the congregation, March 13, discomposed the model of their service ; first, answering aloud after the minister ; and, on the Sunday following, one of his company, without the consent and knowledge of the congregation, got up into the pulpit, and there read all the litany. Knox, highly offended hereat, in the afternoon, preaching in his course, out of Genesis, of Noah's nakedness in his tent, took occasion sharply to tax the authors of this disorder ; avowing many things in the English book to be superstitious, impure, and imperfect; and that he would never consent, they should be received into the congregation.
" Here I omit many animosities and intermediate bickerings, betwixt the opposite parties ; especially at one conference, wherein Dr. Cox is charged to come with his inartificial argument ab author it at e , ' Ego volo liabere] I will have it so. In fine, Knox's party, find ing themselves outvoted by Dr. Cox his new recruits out of England, got one voice on his side, which was louder and stronger than all the rest ; I mean the au thority of the senate of Frankfort, interposing on his behalf: and Mr. John Glauberg (principal procurer of their congregation, as is aforesaid) publicly professed, that, if the reformed order of the congregation of Frank fort were not therein observed, as he had opened the church door unto them, so would he shut it again.
"'The wrriuging of the nose' (says wise Agur, Prov. xxx. 33) f bringeth forth blood : so the forcing of wrath bringeth forth strife.' See here, the Coxian party, de pressed, embrace a strange way to raise themselves, and accuse Knox to the state, for no less than high treason against the emperor, in an English book of his, intitled, ' An Admonition to Christians ;' first privately preached in Buckinghamshire, and now publicly printed to the
ART. in.] FUGITIVE REFORMERS. 75
world. Eight places therein were laid to his charge. The seven last may well be omitted,, the first was so effectual to the purpose ; wherein he called the 'emperor no less an enemy to Christ, than Nero was. Strange, that words spoken some years since., in another land and language, against the emperor, to whom Knox then owed no natural allegiance (though since a casual and accidental one, by his removal into an imperial city), should, in this unhappy juncture of time, be urged against him, by exiles of his own religion, even to no less than the endangering of his life. But what said Rachael of Leah ? c W; th great wTestlings have I wrestled with my sister, and I have prevailed ;' — with great, rather than good, wrestlings. Such, too often, is the badness of good people, that, in the heat of passion, they account any play to be fair play, which tends to the overturning of those with whom they contend. Here upon, the state of Frankfort (as an imperial town, highly concerned to be tender of the emperor's honour) willed Knox to depart the city ; who, on the 25th of March, to the great grief of his friends and followers, left the congregation.
" After the departure (or rather the driving away) of Mr. Knox, Dr. Cox and his adherents clearly carried all, and proceeded to the election of officers in their con gregation. But first, for a fit title for him, that was to take charge of their souls ; then, for a proper person for that title.
"Bishop (though first in nomination) was declined as improper ; because here he had no inspection over any diocese, but only a care of a congregation ; on which very account, Mr. Scory (though formerly bishop of Chichester), when preacher to the congregation at Embden, took upon him the title of superintendent.
" Superintendent was here also waved, as the same in effect ; only a bad Latin word instead of a good Greek.
" Minister also was misliked for the principal preacher (though admitted to signify his assistants), perchance as a term of too much compliance with the opposite party.
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" Pastor, at last, was pitched upon, as freest from ex ception, most expressive of the office, and least obnox ious to offence.
" Then was Mr. Whitehead chosen their pastor ; yet so, as two ministers, four elders, and four deacons, were joined to assist him. And because this was then as well an university, as a congregation of the English, Mr. Horn was chosen reader of the Hebrew, Mr. Mullins of the Greek, and Mr. Trahern was made lecturer of di vinity. In this new modelled congregation, I find no office by name assigned unto Dr. Cox (more honour for him to make all, than to be any officer), who was virtu ally influent upon all, and most active (though not in the doctrinal) in the prudential part of church government.
" As for the ' oppressed congregation' (for so their opposites styled themselves) it was headed by William Whittingham, one (though of less authority, yet) of as much affection to the cause as Knox himself. This party continued their dislike of the liturgy, calling it ' the great English book,' offended, it seems, with the largeness thereof. And they affirmed (may the report lie on the reporters to avouch it) how Cranmer, arch bishop of Canterbury, did present a book of prayer, a hundred times more perfect than the liturgy used in king Edward's days ; yet the same could not take place, because he was matched with so wicked a clergy in con vocation, with other enemies. Besides this their old grudge against the common prayer, they were grieved a -fresh, in this election of new officers in this English congregation, that their old officers were neither legally continued, nor fully discharged, nor friend-like consulted with, nor fairly asked their consent ; but no notice at all taken of them. In a word, never arose there a greater murmuring of the Grecians against the Hebrews, because their widows were neglected in their daily ministration, than here an heart-burning in the Whittingharnian against the other party, for the affront offered to their old officers, in this new election.
" Here a moderate motion was made, that the differ ence might be compromised, and referred to arbitrators,
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which should be equally chosen on both sides. To this Dr. Cox's party would, in no wise, consent ; whether because those pretended arbiters would be no arbiters, but parties, and widen the wound by dressing it ; or because, being already possessed of the power, they would not divest themselves of the whole, to receive but part again, from the courtesy of others. However, this party lost much reputation by the refusal. For, in all controversies, that side, recusant to submit itself to a fair arbitration, contracts the just suspicion, either that their cause is faulty, or the managers thereof froward, and of a morose disposition. In fine, as when two swarms of bees daily fight in the same hive, the weakest grow so wise, as to seek themselves a new habitation ; so here, Whittingham and his adherents resolve to depart, and to seek their several providences in another place.
" But alas ! these two sides had a sad parting blow. The ' oppressed congregation' complained, that, instead of their vale, they had a volley of ill words discharged at them ; amongst which, none so mortal to their repu tation, as the word schismatic, wherewith the Coxians branded them at their departure. Much fending and proving there was betwixt them, whether schismatic was properly appliable to such, who, agreeing in doctrine, dissented only in superfluous ceremonies. In conclusion, nothing was concluded amongst them, as to agreement. And now, no pity showed at their departure, no sending of sighs, or shedding of tears on either side ; the one being as glad of the room they left, as the other were desirous of their own removal.
" If any be curious to know the names of such, who separated themselves from this congregation at Frank fort, this ensuing catalogue will acquaint him therewith. William Williams. William Whittingham, Anthony Gilby, Christopher Goodman, Thomas Cole, John Fox, Thomas Wood, William Keith, John Kelke, John Hilton, Christopher Southhouse, Nicholas Purfote, John Escot, Thomas Grafton, William Walton, Laurence Kent, John Hellingham, Anthony Carier.
78 MARY. [PART in.
" Of these, Mr. Foxe, with a few more, went to Basil; the rest settled themselves at Geneva, where they were all most courteously entertained. And now, who can expect less, but that those, still remaining at Frank fort, as the same in opinion, should be the same in affection, and live in brotherly love together ? But alas ! man, while he is man, will be man ; and Satan, the sower of tares, did set a sad dissension betwixt them, which we come now to relate.
" There was an eminent member of the congregation in Frankfort, Mr. Ashley by name, one of a worshipful degree, and, as it seems, of a spirit (not to say stomach) no whit beneath his extraction. Now, there happened some high words at supper, betwixt him and Mr. Horn (then pastor of the congregation), yet so, that all the difference, by the seasonable mediation of the guests, was then seemingly composed. But, two days after, Mr. Ashley was convented before the elders, where it was laid to his charge, that, at the time and place afore said, he had spoken words slanderous to them and their ministry. Ashley appealed from them, as an adversary part against him (and therefore no competent judges), unto the whole congregation (as men of estimation with both parties) to hear and determine the difference betwixt them. Hereat Mr. Horn and the elders were highly offended, pleading, that they had received authority from the whole church, to hear and decide such cases, and were resolved not to part with the power, so legally delegated unto them. And whereas many meetings were made of Mr. Ashley's friends, to debate his busi ness, Mr. Horn and the elders condemned them, as tending to schism ; accounting their own presence so of the quorum to any lawful assembly, that, without it, all conventions were conventicles. Yea, Mr. Horn and the elders, perceiving that Mr. Ashley's friends (being most numerous in the congregation) would bring his cause to be determined by the diffusive church, fully and freely forsook their ministry and service therein, preferring rather willingly to unpastor and diselder
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themselves, than to retain the place,, without the power; title, without the authority, due thereunto.
" This deserting of their duty was by others inter preted a high contempt of the congregation ; especially, when, two days after, a full church met with an empty pulpit, wherein none [were] to teach the people. The Ashleyans (being far the major part) took exception, that Horn and the elders should so slightly and suddenly quit what before they had so seriously and solemnly accepted ; as if their pastoral charges were like their clothes, or upper garments, to be put off at pleasure, to cool themselves in every heat of passion. Besides, these men, being married, in a manner, to their ministerial functions, could not legally divorce themselves, without mutual consent, and the church's approbation thereof.
" Soon after, the state of the controversy was altered, Mr. Ashley's business being laid aside, and another, of a higher concernment, taken up in the room thereof; namely, how the congregation should proceed against the pastor and elders, in case they were accused for misdemeanour. For, hitherto no provisions were made, in the constitutions of this church, to regulate this case, if chancing to occur : whether because the compilers of those constitutions charitably presumed on the integrity of all such officers, or omitted the making of any law against them, in favour to themselves (as most probable to obtain such places), or because no canons can at once be completed, but a reserve must be left for the additions of others, to perfect the same. But now, eight were appointed to regulate the manner of the proceed ing of the congregation against pastor and elders, if peccant, who were without, or rather, above, censure, according to the old discipline ; which still inflamed the anger of Mr. Horn and his party, — a party, much ad vantaged by Mr. Chambers siding therewith, because he was keeper of the charity conferred on, and contribu tions collected for, the congregation. Now, where goeth the purse, there goeth the poor. Most, in want, were on Horn's side, in hope of the larger relief. This
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made others complain of Chambers, as an unjust steward of the church's treasure ; too free to such as he affected, and bountiful only of taunts and ill terms to those of a different judgment ; making neither men's need nor deserts, but only his own fancy, the direction of his distributions.
" Now began their brawls to grow so loud, that thei * next neighbours overheard them : I mean, the state of Frankfort took notice thereof, to the shame of all, and grief of all good [men] in the English nation. For, how scandalous was it, that exiles of the same country, for the same cause, could not agree together ! But man in misery (as well as man in honour) hath no under standing. Yea, they began to fear, lest many Dutch men, hitherto their bountiful benefactors, should, for the future, withdraw7 their benevolences ; conceiving, these exiles wanted no money, who had such store of animosities ; and, probably, poverty would make them more peaceable amongst themselves. Their discords were the worse, because the vernal mart at Frankfort did approach, and it would be welcome ware, and an useful commodity, for popish merchants meeting there, to carry over into England, and all the world over, the news of their distractions. Hereupon the magistrate of Frankfort interposed, to arbitrate their differences ; but whether of his own accord, or by the secret solici tation of others, is uncertain. Sure it is, both parties solemnly disavowed any secret practice to procure the same. The magistrate interposed his counsels rather than commands, appearing very upright and unbiassed to either party. For, though, at the first, he seemed to favour Horn and his complices (out of that general sympathy which a magistrate beareth to all public offi cers), yet, afterwards quitting their cause, he bent all his endeavours to make a reconciliation. By his edict it was ordered, that the former pastors were put out of their functions, and made private men ; that new ones, or the same again (if the church so pleased), were to be chosen in their rooms ; that the treasure of their congre-
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gation should be kept jointly, and distributed by the deacons,, who, at an appointed time, should account for the same to the minister and elders. And, the day after, leave was given them to devise a new discipline (with convenient speed) amongst themselves, and tender the same, when drawn up, to the magistrate for his ratifi cation. In fine, all, seemingly, were made friends, in token whereof, they (both parties) joined hands together.
" Soon after, fifteen were appointed to draw up a form of new discipline ; but this new discipline occa sioned new grudges, or rather, revived the old ones. Though short the book, it was long before fully finished; because such as were concerned therein drew the sheets thereof several ways. Some would have the old disci pline stand still in full force ; others would have it only altered ; others, totally abolished. When the discipline was new drawn up, some required months, and the most moderate more days, of deliberation, before they would subscribe it. In conclusion, whereas the whole congre gation of Frankfort consisted then but of sixty-two (understand them masters of families, besides women, children, and servants) forty-two subscribed this new discipline, and the rest refused.
" Presently they proceeded to the election of new pastors and ministers, when Mr. Horn, issuing into the church with his party, cast a bundle of paper bills on the table, standing in the middle of the church, — a table, surely, set there, not for the inflaming of discords, but the celebration of that sacrament, which should cement them all in a comfortable communion. Those bills contained their refusal to concur in this election, because they could not, in their consciences, allow the discipline, whereby it was made. However, the rest went on with their choice, and no one, saving Mr. Wilford, being formerly of the ministry, was now again elected ; whereof this reason was rendered, because they, with Mr. Horn, had willingly relinquished their func tions, and it was but just to take that from them, which they cast away from themselves. Besides, it is said that
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some of them gave it out, that, if they should be re- elected, they would not accept thereof.
" Hitherto we have had no mention, for a long time, of Dr. Cox ; and it may seem much, that the activity of his spirit should be so long concealed, which makes some presume him absent all the while. But let such know, that Dr. Cox engaged in the former controversy, in defence of the liturgy set forth in king Edward's reign, as concerning his sovereign's honour, and the general interest of the English church concerned therein: whereas he hitherto stood neuter, in this difference of Mr. Horn's and his complices, as beholding it of nar rower extent, and less consequence, betwixt particular persons. Whereupon, the magistrate of Frankfort (not at leisure himself, because of the business of the mart, to examine the matter) appointed him, with Dr. Sandys and Richard Berty esquire, as men of estimation with both parties, to hear and determine the difference be twixt them ; by the powerful mediation of which umpires, they were persuaded into some tolerable agreement, though it was no better than a palliated cure."1
This behaviour of these